Perform, performance

These words have lost the idea of finishing, completing, which once belonged to them. Tindale translates Lk 14-29 “Which of you disposed to build a toure sytteth not doune before and counteth the cost, whether he have sufficient |to performe it? lest after he hath layde the foundacion, and is not able to performe it, all that beholde it beginne to mocke him.’ And Robinson in More’s Utopia, ii. (Lupton’s ed. p.

170), says, ‘The lacke of the one is performed and fylled up with the aboundaunce of the other.’ This is often the meaning of ‘per- form’ in AV. Thus Is 10% ‘When the Lord hath performed his whole work upon Mount Zion’ (ys2y"3, lit. ‘when he hath cut off,’ the figure being taken from the cutting off of the finished web from the loom; LXX ὅταν συντελέσῃ; Vulg. cum impleverit; Wyc. ‘shall fulfelle, Purvey ‘hath fillid’; Cov. ‘As soone as I have per- furmed’).

Lk 2% ‘When they had performed all things according to the law of the Lord’ is not merely ‘when they had done all things,’ but ‘when they had completed’ or (RV) ‘accomplished’ (ὡς ἐτέλεσαν). To ‘perform the doing’ of a thing (as in 2 Co 8") is now tautology, whence RV ‘complete the doing’ (τὸ ποιῆσαι émirehécare). The change in the meaning of ‘ perform’ is due to the supposition that it is made up of per and form, and to form is todo, to make.

It has no connexion with form, being derived from Fr. parfournir, to furnish com- pletely, accomplish. Its original and mmper mean- ing is well expressed by Maundeville (Zravels, p. 265), ‘But whan he saughe thet he myghte not dou it, ne bringe it to an ende, he preyed to God of Nature that he wolde parforme that that he had begonne.’ Cf. Ps 20° 21" 572 (Pr. Bk.) Performance is used in AV only in the sense of bringing to an end, completing, viz. Lk 1 (τελεί- wots, RV ‘ fulfilment’), 2 Co 8!

(τὸ ἐπιτελέσαι, RV ‘the completion’). J. HASTINGS, PERFUME, in the sense of a fragrant material, is tr? of mbp kétoreth, in Ex 30%, and of [np7, only in plur.] rikkiuhim, in Is 679, In the verbal form to sprinkle scents, in Pr 7)’, it is 3 niéph. Frag- rance, a word which does not occur in AV, has been introduced by RV in Ca 1*!?7!

8in place of ‘savour’ or ‘smell,’ and is the rendering of πη, The same word occurs in Gn 27”, Hos 14°, Ca 42° 78, The use of odorous or strongly-smelling materials has been alluded to under OINTMENT and IN- CENSE, as well as under tne specific names of the PERFUME various scents. Most of these Scripture perfumes ere Pangpot rather than sweetly-smelling, and would not please the present taste; but, as Pliny has said, there have been fashions in odours as in clothes.

The raw materials are gums, resins, roots, barks, or leaves, and these were variously combined, according to the skill and fancy of the erfumer. These o’np4 are called ‘ apothecaries’ in x 307-8 372, 2Ch 16%, Neh 38 (o'n7), Ec 10), Sir 388 49! (LXX in both μυρεψός), and ‘ confectionaries’ in 1S 818 (ninjq). RV substitutes ‘perfumers’ ex- cept in 2Ch, Neh, and Sir; but these texts also refer to perfumers, not apothecaries in the modern sense of the word.

These perfumers constituted a ild among the Jews; see APOTHECARY, i. 126; ONFECTION, i. 464; MEDICINE, above, p. 332. These odorous compounds were either for per- sonal or for ritual use. Those used for the former usually took the form of ointments (which see), and were (1) for the purpose of masking the odour of the body, which is apt to be strong and disagree- able in a hot country.

This is especially the case with the feet, hence the Greeks and Romans re- garded it as a great luxury to have their feet anointed with sweet-smelling ointment. Athenzus quotes a number of authorities in reference to this practice (xii. 78). It was in accordance with this mode of showing honour to guests that the woman anointed the feet of our Lord (Lk 7%, ef. Jn 12%). For other cases of the cosmetic use of ointments or perfumes see ANOINTING.

The use of these was looked upon as an effeminate luxury by Pliny, who deprecates the lavish use of them in Rome (xiii. 1). (2) Perfumes, such as frankincense, were some- times chewed to give to the breath a sweet scent (Ca 7°). For modern instances see Lane, Mod. Egyp. i. 238. (3) Ladies among the Jews sometimes carried per- fume boxes at their girdles (Is 3”); these were called w53n ΒΞ, and this is translated ‘tablets’ (i.e. lockets) in AV.

They were most probably metallic boxes containing ointment or frankincense. Such boxes have been found in Eeyrt (4) Perfumes were sprinkled on garments or placed in boxes with clothing to give them a pleasant odour (Ps 45%, Ca 4"). This is still done in the East as in the West (see Lane, ἐδ. i. 256).

(5) Perfume was sprinkled on couches or beds as ἴπ eal (6) In the Persian harem, perfumes were the chief means of purification in use: six months unction with oil ah myrrh, and six months with spices and the ‘ointment of the women,’ LXX σμήγμασι τῶν γυναικῶν (Est 2), At the present day rosewater is used for such purificatory washing (Burckhardt, Arabia, i. 68). (7) Odours and spices were used at funerals, applied as antiseptics to the body.

Asa was laid in a bed filled with sweet odours and divers kinds of spices prepared iy the perfumers (2 Ch 16'*); and Nicodemus provided about 100 Ibs. of myrrh and aloes for the burial of our Lord. They were also burned at funerals; probably the burnings of 2 Ch 16 21° were made of them. At Forges. funeral Nero burned more perfumes than Arabia could produce within a year (Pliny, xii. 18).

Of the ritual or ceremonial uses of perfumes, usually in the form of incense, mention is made in many places in the OT, Sometimes it was burned before a king when making a state procession. To this there is an allusion in the pillar of smoke which preceded the king in Ca 35, Quintus Curtins speaks of a similar ceremonial in the case of Indian princes (viii. 38). See INCENSE in vol. ii. p. 468*.

' The period at which incense was introduced into the Jewish worship is unknown, but it was per- haps used in very early times (see, however, IN- CENSE, id. p. 467*). The Egyptians used it as far PERGA "47 back as the 4th dynasty, and on almost every stele of the period which covers the whole of the Israelite sojourn in Egypt there is specific mention of ntr sntr or incense. Odorous fumigations are used in all ceremonial religions, and the sweet smell is TE ei to propitiate the god.

Oedipus says that Thebes ‘reeks with incense and rings with prayers’ (Sophocles, Oedipus Tyrannus, 4), and Herodotus records that Datis, the Median, burnt 30 talents of frankincense on the altar at Rhenwa (vi. 97). Simi- lar references might be multiplied for other places, and for cults the most dissimilar. To this idea Amos alludes, when speaking for the offended Deity he says that ‘ He will not smell’ in their solemn assemblies (5).

RV renders it ‘ will take no de- light,’ which is a paraphrase, the AV being the literal rendering. In the NT there is no account of the use of perfumes in Christian worship, but the idea is spiritualized like the other typical obsery- ances of the old worship: thus St. Paul calls the self- sacrifice of Christ ‘a sacrifice to God for a sweet- smelling savour’ (Eph 5*); and he also calls the ifts which the Philippians had sent to him by paphroditus ‘an odour of a sweet smell’ (Ph 4").

In the apocalyptic vision the four living creatures and the 24 elders before the throne of God are said to offer incense, which is the type of the prayers of saints, Rev 5°. The perfumes mentioned in the Bible will be found under their specific names. They are Aloes, Apples (said to yield a fragrance, but scarcely a perfume in the strict sense), Balm, Bdellium (probably derived from a species of Amyris and lied to myrrh, see Jos. Ant. τη. i.

6), Calamus (probably one of the lemon-grasses, such as Andro- pogon pachnodes, or schenanthus. The former yields the sweet-scented Turkish grass-oil of com- merce. It might, however, be the Acorus calamus or sweet-cane, but this is unlikely), Camphire (henna), Cassia, Cinnamon, Costus (see OINT- MENT), Frankincense, Galbanum, Ladanum (the εὖ of Gn 37 43" translated ‘myrrh,’ but much more probably the odorous gum exuded by a Cistus, either C. Ledon or C.

laurifolius, perhaps Creticus), Man- drakes (mentioned as fragrant, but not a perfumer’s material, Ca 7"), Mastic (cxivos, the Pistacia lentiscus, mentioned only in the Apoer. Sus *), Myrrh (yielded by Balsamodendron myrrha), Onycha (the nda? of Ex 30, either ladanum, as in the Arabic Version, or the sweet-smelling oper- culum of a Strombus.

Its smell is alluded to in Sir 24"), Saffron, Spikenard, Stacte (probably storax, the resin of Styrax officinale), Tragacanth (πὲ) of Gn 3735 434, the gum exuded by Astragalus traqacantha). he proper names Keturah, Basemath, and Euodia seem to be derived from the words for ‘incense’ or ‘ fragrance.’ A. MACALISTER.

PERGA (Πέργη ; the form Πέργα, which might have been expected, seems not to occur: * in Latin commonly Perga, but Pliny has Perge) was one of the two greatest cities of Pamphylia in ancient times (Side being the other). Strabo describes it as being on the Cestrus, 60 stadia, 7 to 8 miles, from its mouth; and he speaks of the river as navigable.

There is some inaccuracy in this statement, as Perga is fully 5 miles west from the Cestrus; but it is true that the nearest point on the river is about 60 stadia above the mouth. Mela more correctly says that Perga was situated between the rivers Cestrus and Cataractes, but nearer the former (which he too describes as navi- gable). The earliest known memorials of Perga *A coin in the British Museum Catalogue, No. 27, reads TTEPrA; but this may be an abbreviation of the adjective On No.

48 the city name Is indubitably TTé ρίγ)η. are its coins, which begin early in the 2nd cent. B.C. But its walls are of Seleucid, not Pergamenian style, and, therefore, probably were built in the 3rd cent. ; and Perga began to strike coins when set free from the rule of the Seleucid kings of Syria in B.c. 189. Its coins last in a fairly rich series till about A.D. 276; and it was the only Greek city’ except Alexandria that struck coins of the emperor Tacitus.

Side and Perga both ranked as metropolitan cities of Pamphylia: on coins Perga is styled metropolis under the emperor ‘Tacitus, but certainly had that rank earlier (as Side also must have ranked as metropolis, though its coins do not mention the title). Perga was evidently the stronghold of native Pamphylian feeling in opposition to the Greek colony ATTALIA, which was founded during the 2nd cent. B.c.

Its coinage is invariably associated with the native goddess, who was identified with the Greek Artemis, but evidently was more like the Ephesian than the true Hellenic deity. Some- times she is called on coins the Queen of Perga (Fdvacoa written in Pamphylian alphabet), but commonly Artemis of Perga.

She is represented either as the Greek short-clad huntress Artemis, sometimes with a sphinx beside her, sometimes with a stag, or as the Greek goddess, wearing a long tunic, but still carrying the bow; but far more characteristic is the type common in imperial times, in which she is symbolized by a quaint simulacrum, probably representing a large stone with a rounded top: the top is sometimes modified to resemble a female head with long veil and kalathos, while the stone in its lower part then seems like a rude and massive human body.

On the stone sometimes there appear to be zones of dancing figures. The sphinx or the eagle are fre- quent accompaniments of the simulacrum. This pode may safely be described as similar to the phesian (see DIANA). The name Leto seems probably to belong to her, whether it be a modifi- cation of the Lycian word Jada (the lady), or of the old Semitic Al-lat or Alilat.* The site of Perga is now called Murtana, and is about 12 miles north-east of Attalia.

The temple is described by Strabo as standing on a higher ground beside the city. This higher ground was the site of the older city, and constituted the acro- polis. It is not an isolated hill, but part of that steep-edged plateau which occupies much of the country between Cestrus and Cataractes. In the time of Strabo the city seems to have been on the low ground south of the acropolis. All the ruins—walls, gates, theatre, stadium, churches, etc.

—are in that part, while few remains are now visible on the acropolis ; but the platform with the lower τ of six granite columns near the south- east of the acropolis (which G. Hirschfeld and other travellers took for the temple of Artemis) is considered by Petersen too rude for that doubtless splendid building.+ The greatness of the city was bound up with that of the goddess: compare the speech of Demetrius about the Ephesian Artemis in Ac 19.

The right of asylum, doubtless, be- longed to her temple and precinct (see Arch. Epi- graph. Mittheil. aus Oesterreich, 1897, p. 65). Paul and Barnabas, with John Mark, on their first missionary journey, sailed from Paphos and came to Perga in Pamphylia (Ac 918); and the expression reminds us of Strabo’s opinion that Perga was on the navigable river. It would See from all the passages taken together that there was a port-town on the river, ranking not as & separate wa but as part of Perga.

The apostles seem not to have stayed long in Perga, and they are not said to have preached there. The failure * See Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia (Ramsay), pt. i. p. 90f. ¢ In Lanckoronski, Stadte Pamphyliens, i. p. 30° igs of any allusion to preaching may safely be taken as a proof that they did not preach, but for some reason changed their plan, and thus lost the com- pany of John (see PAMPHYLIA).

The form of expression, ‘ Perga of Pamphylia,’ Ac 131, does not imply distinction from any other Perga (for there was no other city of that name): it means only ‘to the province Pamphylia, and specially the capital Perga.’ But on their return, perhaps two years later, Paul and Barnabas preached in Perga, though apparently with no marked success.

Thereafter they went to Attalia, on the coast, to get a ship for the Syrian coast: many ships agai pass to and fro between Syria and the west, touching at Attalia, but not going up to Perga. The early history of Christianity in Perga is very obscure, and probably its progress was slow (see PAMPHYLIA). Some martyrs— Theodorus, Philippa, Socrates, and Dionysius—at Perga (Acta Sanct., 20 Sept., p. 187) are mentioned under one of the many emperors called Antoninus, erhaps Elagabalus.

But Darga is never mentioned in the oldest Martyrologies, the Syriac and the Hieronymian ; nor is Side. Under the Christian empire, Perga and Side, as being metropolitan bishoprics, each exercised authority over a part of the whole province ; Perga being head of Secunda Pamphylia, the western division. It is by no means certain that this division affected the civil administration ; it may have been only ecclesiastical ; but the point is not determined as yet. Hierocles, about A.D.

530, ives only one province Pamphylia, yet he gives rst all the Pergaian cities, and thereafter all the Sidetan, apparently implying both a knowledge of the distinction and a refusal to recognize it as ἃ real fact of government. Perga fell into decay in later Byzantine time. It had not suflicient military strength for that disturbed period. Between A.D.

787 and 812 it was amalgamated in the ecclesiastical system with the neighbouring city of silyou as a joint metro- politan bishopric ; Sillyon had been an independent autokephalos bishopric for about a century pre- viously. Evidently, these two inland cities were both decaying in the 8th century. The ruin of Perga proceeded steadily. In A.D. 1084 Attaleia * was made a metropolis.

The official lists, Notitie Episcopatuum, represent this as if Attaleia were made then an independent archbishopric, and Perga remained metropolis of Pamphylia Secunda.

But in reality Perga was now a mere ecclesiastical title, and Attaleia was the residence of the real head of all the Pamphylian Church that remained : in truth, most of Pamphylia provincia was now in Sa ied infidelium, having been conceded to the urks by the feeble competitors who were struggling with one another for the throne of the Byzantine empire after the ruin of the imperial power at the battle of Manzikert in 1071.

The true state of matters is quite frankly recog- nized in the (late) Fourth Notitia, where the entry reads: ὁ Συλαίου ὃς καὶ Πέργης λέγεται, ἀνθ᾽ οὗ ἔνι νῦν δ᾽ Ατταλίας. So, too, a MS (Tischendorf, Nov. Test. iii. Proleg. p. 629, No. 99), dated A.D. 1345 or 1445, was written by the hand of Theognostus, μητροπολί- του Ifépyns καὶ ᾿Ατταλείας, ἐξάρχου τῆς κενῆς (1.6. καινῆς) δευτέρας Παμφυλίας.

Τὸ complete this account of the decay of Christian organization in Pamphylia, it may be added that Side was degraded (1283- 1321) from tenth to thirteenth in the order of rank of the metropoleis (its place being given to Philadelphia, which was then so important a city to the narrowed Christian empire); and in 1328- 1341 Side disappeared entirely from the list of metropoleis, Monemvasia as head of the whola * Note on Tenth Notitia (Parthey, p. 214, No. 522).

PERGAMUS OR PERGAMUM Peluponnesus taking its place.* Thus we reach the modern state of things, in which there is in ἀν δες only the single Christian dignitary at Attalia.

It would ap perhaps, that, when Perga was at last definitely recognized as being in partibus infidelium, the new bishopric of Pyrgion, in the Cayster valley, was identified with it, so that the titular bishop of Perga officiated at Ἐστεῖσα with his old order of precedence pa to the official lists (which never formally accepte the real historical facts): this seems implied in the entry in a late document printed in Parthey’s Notitie Episcop. p. 314, No. 60, Πέργη τὸ νῦν Πυργίν (i.e. Ilupylov).

The elevation of Pyrgion took plas between 1193 and 1199. Similarly, Proconnesos was put in the place of Mokisos-Justinianopolis t (head of Camadicta Tertia), and Monemvasia in that of Side. But in almost all such cases the official lists continued to preserve the old situation, and rarely recognized the facts of the time when they were written. pee SF Stddte Pamphyliens; Hill, Cat. of Coins, Brit. Mus., Pamphylia, eto. On the ecclesiastical facta several articles by Gelzer in Jahrbiich.

fiir protestant. Theologie, xii; and Ramsay, Hist. Geogr. of Asia Minor (see Indez, 8.vv.) W. M. Ramsay. PERGAMUS or PERGAMUM (7) Πέργαμος or τὸ Πέργαμον ; the word occurs in NT only in dat. and accus., leaving the nom. uncertain; in other authorities both forms occur; Ptolemy, Dion Cassius (lix. 28. 1), and Stephanus Byz.

have Ilép- Ὕαμος,Σ while almost all other writers and inscrip- tions have Πέργαμον) was a great and famous city of Mysia, adjoining the district called Teuthrania, about 15 miles up the Caicus valley from the sea, and about 3 miles north of the river, which was navigable for the small ancient ships. Two small streams joined the Caicus near Pergamum, the Selinus actually flowing through the city and the Keteios washing its walls on the east.

Between these two streams was a well-marked hill, which was the site of the earliest city and of the Acro- polis of the later city (with many of its most magnificent buildings, agora, nasium, Greek theatre, temples of Dionysos, Athena, Faustina, Trajan, etc., and the great altar of Zeus).

The enlarged later city extended across the Selinus to the south-west ; and here were amphitheatre, circus, Roman theatre, probably the temple of Augustus, and farther west the sacred precinct and temple of Asklepios. Pergamum was an ancient city, which strack coins as early as 420-400. But its greatness began early in the 3rd cent.

, when Phileterus managed to appropriate a great treasure deposited there under his charge by king Lysimachus ; and by the support of Seleucus, the Syrian king, he gradually made himself independent and powerful (B.C. 284—- 263). He was succeeded by his nephew, Eumenes (263-241) ; thereafter succeeded AttalusI., who took the title of king (241-197) ; Eumenes 1. (197-159) ; Attalus π|. (159-138); and Attalus m1. (138-133), who bequeathed his kingdom to the Romans.

The military glory of the Attalid kings and of Pergamum lay in the wars with the Gauls or Galatians (which see), who invaded Asia Minor in B.C. 278. Eumenes I. paid tribute to the Gauls; but Attalus 1. refused to continue this humiliating * Notitia, iv. 60, xii. 14, 85 (Parthey, pp. 136, 237, 288): the stubborn unwillingness of the official Notitim to ize the real facta appears the Fourth Notitia, which still continues to mention Side (iv.

11) In its old place as head of Pamphylia, besides recording its new situation. But xii. mentions the new situation twice, under each name. : + Known only from Georgius Pachymeres, 1. p. 386 (Hist. Aa. Min, p. 300). Steph. Thes., quotes Xen. Hell, ill. 1. 6, Paus. vil. 16. 1, x. 25. 10, eto. (where the fem. gender proves the nom., unless σέλε is to be understood), but does not mention the above instances. The true text in b., Strab., Appian, Philostr. ote.

, is τὸ Mipyauer, PERGAMUS OR PERGAMUM 7498 custom ; and when war followed he won a great ΤΑ ΡΟΣ at the sources of the Caicus, about B.c. 241, 240. It was in the flush of this victory that Attalus assumed the title of king. The success was cele- brated in art and literature asa triumph of Hellenic civilization over barbarism.

This and other vic- tories gave Attalus supremacy over great part of western Asia Minor (Asia cis Taurum); but about 222 the Seleucid dominion over this country was re- stored, and Pergamenian power shrank once more to its previous narrow bounds, what was called the πατρώα ἀρχή seme ely con Pergamum. Attalus slowly reconquered his lost empire, and, taking ad- vantage of the Roman enmity against the Seleucid kings, he threw all his strength on the side of the eae republic.

About 205 he actively aided the mans to get from Pessinus the sacred image of the Phrygian mother of the gods, which the Sibyl- line books directed them to bring to Rome as a condition of success in the war against Hannibal. Eumenes I. continued the policy of alliance with Rome. He actively co-operated in the war of 190, and at the e of 189 the whole Seleucid do- minions on this side of Taurus were given to him.

Thus once more Pergamum became the capital of western Asia Minor, and in the following 18 years Eumenes carried on vigorous operations in central Asia Minor, and won several successes over the Gauls (who had been settled in the part of ancient Phrygia and Cappadocia which was henceforth ealled GALATIA).

But the Romans were not in- clined to allow Eumenes to become too strong, and their steady though carefully veiled support maintained the Galatians in independence, when they seemed on the point of falling into subjection to Pergamum. In the spring of the year 133 Attalus m1. died, leaving a will in which, while he ordered that Pergamum and the other towns should be admini- stered as constitutional, self-governing cities, he bequeathed his entire kingdom to the Romans.

* At this point the coinage of Pergamum again begins to illuminate the city, whereas from 284 to 133 the coins were exclusively royal. The most famous class of Per, ene coins, the map ea struck first by the kings, were continued τ the royal rule ended. Cistophori were struck, not only at Pergamum but also at many other of the great cities of Asia (including Mysia, Lydia, Phrygia, and Caria), and they were the commonest current silver coin in the ean lands.

The was composite, uniting the cista mystica and other accompaniments of Dionysiac worship. The coin- age of Pergamum continues in an unbroken and very rich series down to the reign of Gallienus, in the latter part of the 3rd cent. after Christ. In 133 the Pergamenian realm, bequeathed to the Romans, was formed into a Roman province ; but the province was much smaller than the king- dom, for Phrygia Magna was given away to Mithridates, king of Pontus.

Phrygia was re- claimed by the Senate after B.c. 120, when Mith- ridates died; but, though loosely attached to the province, it was not properly organized and definitely incorporated in Asia (as the new province was called) until the year B.C. 85-84 under the government of Sulla. From that time onwards the province had much the same extent as the old Pergamenian realm.

The name Asia as applied to the province was apparently a Roman invention, but it was taken up by the Greek “ai ger and is used freely in the inscriptions of the great cities to indicate the Roman provincial unity with all the countries embraced in it (see ΕΎΡΙΑ, ASIA). *See Frinkel, Inschriften von Pergamon, |. No. 249, an Inscription which confirms the real existence of this will against the scepticiem of several modern historians, See also Mommaen in Athen, Mitthetl, des Inst, 1899, p.

108, 750 PERGAMUS OR PERGAMUM The four chief gods of Pergamum are mentioned in an oracle of about A.D. 167, which ordered the Pergamenians to seek relief from the φέρω pesti- fence by appealing to Zeus, maa a thena, and Asklepios.* All — frequently as types on the coins of the city. Zeus Soter and Athena Nike- phoros were especially honoured as having given victory over the Gauls in the olden time.

The whole strength and skill of Pergamenian art was directed to glorify them as the patrons of Greek genius triumphing over barbarism. Asklepios was introduced from Epidauros, probably in a compara- tively racent historical period (perhaps in the 5th cent. B.C.) Dionysos was apparently a native Anatolian deity, worshipped with eerie and rites of 8 uliar society called Boukoloi or Ox-herds, who were the attendants of the ἄξιος ταῦρος, a mystic name of Dionysos.

All these gor had ce ar ἢ places of worship. Zeus and thena were more of Hellenic and artistic con- ceptions, Dionysos Kathegemon more peri re- ligious. Under the Roman empire, Asklepios the Saviour (Soter) became the most fashionable deity of Pergamum ; but he appears on coins as early as 159-138 and often in the Ist cent. B.c.

As the god of the healing art, he had a temple and a sacred precinct to which flocked many invalids for medi treatment, which they received partly directly from the god (who revealed the method of cure in dreams when the sufferers slept in his sacred place), partly from the priests and physicians in attendance on the temple. As this worship and medical treatment brought many wealthy visitors to Pergamum, the god was naturally highly popular in the city. Hence, in the 2nd and 3rd cents.

after Christ, Asklepios was the repre- sentative deity of Pergamum, standing for it as type on most of the symbolical alliance coins. he view has been often maintained that the richness of the accessories with which the worship of these and other deities was conducted in Per- gamum suggested the words in Rev 2", describing the city as the place ‘where the throne of Satan is,’ and as the place ‘where Satan dwelleth.

’ Ac- cording to that view, Pergamum is pictured as a religious centre, and contrasted with purely com- mercial cities like Smyrna and Ephesus and Corinth. But this picture is hardly true to the facts as they existed when the Apocalypse was written. It was not the case that commercial cities were less ΕἸΠΕ to religion in ancient times than those which, like Pergamum, lay apart from the great lines of commerce and intercourse.

Writers who take that view are misled by modern ideas, natural in modern time when religion has become a moral force, resisting and seeking to withdraw men from many of the practices con- ducive to commercial success. But in ancient times religion was rather the glorification of suc- cess, commercial and otherwise: the gods were the patrons of every side of common life; and the great commercial city was most likely to be the great religious city.

If the greatest centre of pagan ritual in the province Asia is the place where the throne of Satan is, then Ephesus is the a! that beyond all others merits that description. he words of Rev 2" must refer to some other attribute which can be truly attached to Per- gamum. Pliny sets us in the right path by his remark, Nat. Hist. v. 30, that Pergamum was far the most distinguished city of Asia (longe claris- simum Asia, i.e. provincie).

These words show clearly that Pliny regarded Pergamum as the eapital of the province. The province Asia had come into existence as an enfranchised + kingdom, * Frinkel, 1.6. fi. p. 289. + When kings ceased to govern it the change was a declara- tion of freedom. PERGAMUS OR PERGAMUM with a universally recognized capital: Pergamum was the germ οὐ; of which the kingdom had slowly grown to maturity and strength.

Occupy- ing this historical pre-eminence, Pergamum was naturally recognized as the capital of the new province Asia; and it retained this position for over two centuries. By the middle of the second century after Christ, on the contrary, there can be oo danke that Ephesus was recognized generally as the capital of the province. It is uncertain at what time the change was made.

It is even un- certain whether the change was formally made at some definite time by imperial order, or gradually came about in practice without any authoritative imperial recognition. It is, however, certain that, under Augustus, Pergamum was still the capital, for the provincial council (called the Κοινὸν ᾿Ασίας) * built here the temple dedicated to Rome and Augustus to serve as its meeting-place, while Ephesus then was not officially regarded as lead- ing city.

The provincial council built a temple at Smyrna to Tiberius, and it was perhaps not until A.D, 41-54 that it built at Ephesus a temple and dedicated it to Claudius.t Down to this time it seems reasonably certain that Ephesus had not been recognized, either by general consent or by imperial act, as capital of the province.

The pro- vincial council necessarily made its temple and meeting-place first in the provincial capital ; and by degrees the modification was introduced that temples and meetings were arranged also in other great cities of the province. H Asia was peculiar in Sie so many meeting-places of the provincial council; in many provinces there was one single beth | ape of meeting for the council. Ephesus built a temple of Augustus before B.c.

5;¢ but this seems to have been only a dedication by the city, and not arranged and sanctioned by the provincial council ;§ and it stood in the sacred precinet of Artemis, not in a separate precinct of its own. Even in the beginning of the 2nd cent. Per- gamum probably still ranked officially as the capital, for it had got a second temple of the Emperors, and the title ‘twice Neokoros,’ before A.D.

123 (and probably already in the time of Trajan), whereas Ephesus acquired these honours only late in the reign of Hadrian, between the proconsulate of Peduczeus Priscinus, A.D. 127, and that of Aurelius Fulvus Antoninus about A.D. 130 or 135.|| Should we not, then, explain by this primacy in the worship of the Emperors the statement in Rev 2'8, that ‘the throne of Satan’ is at Pergamum ?

The city was still officially the capital of the province, and, especially, it was recognized as the chief centre of the imperial worship, in which the unity and loyalty of the rovince was expressed. In this latter point lay the peculiar aggravation and abomination. It was the worship of the Emperors that was recognized, when the Apoc. was written, as the special foe of Christianity, as Antichrist, as Satan.

It was the refusal of the Christians to pay the proper respect to the em- peror by performing the prescribed acts of ritual and worship in the imperial religion that formed the test by which they could be detected, and the reason why they were outlawed: their refusal * See ASIAROH. + This, though regarded as paceny certain by Buchner, dé Neocoria, p. 88, is far from being 80 well established as he repre- sents. It is not at all certain that there was a temple of Claudius at Ephesus.

The temple built by the council at Ephesus Is called ‘temple of the Emperors’ in Inser. Brit. Mus. No. 481, and Smyrn. Mous. iii. p. 180. 1 See Hicks, /nserip. of Brit. rae: No. 522 (where date 8.6. ὁ should be corrected to 5). § Buchner (loc. cit.) seems to have failed to observe the exist ence of this temple at Ephesus : he never refers to it. i Buchner, de Neocoria, p. 59; CIG 2965, 2966, 29870.

PERGAMUS OR PERGAMUM was interpreted as a proof of disloyalty and treason, for it was a refusal to acquiesce in, and to be members of, the imperial unity.” Pergamum, as the chief centre of that imperial worship for the province, was the seat and ‘the throne of Satan.’ We are too ignorant of the details regarding the imperial worship in Asia to be able to say exactly what was panied in that primacy.

The Council of Asia met also at other pice: as Ephesus (hence the presence of the Asiarchs there, Ac 19), Smyrna, Sardis; but some sort of pre-eminence belonged to Pergamum at least as late as A.D. 127 (as has been stated above). Now Hadrian visited Pergamum Popely in A.D. 123.t He was again in Asia in 29, when he visited Laodicea in the Lycus valley, and presumably Ephesus and Tralleis.

His in- terest in and knowledge of the province, the free- dom with which he changed old institutions to suit the circumstances of the day, and the fact that he not merely permitted Ephesus to attain a second Neokorate (like Pergamum), but also struck imperial silver coins bearing the type and name of DIANA EPHESIA (thereby pecs pas her as 8 Roman deity),t all combine to prove that it was he who recognized the overwhelming practical im- portance of Ephesus, and transferred the primacy of the see from Pergamum to Ephesus about A.

D. 129. If this be so (and it seems practically certain), then we have an important piece of evi- dence about Rev 24: that passage was written before A.D. 129. But the order of enumeration of the Seven Churches of Asia, beginning with Ephesus, seems to start from the capital, and then to go round the important cities in geographical order—Smyrna, Pergamum, Thyatira, Sardis, Philadelphia, Lao- dicea.

The explanation probably is that a con- flict existed between the official view and the popular view: the former still regarded Per- amum as the capital, while the latter had regard the practical fact that Ephesus was the greatest and most important city of Asia, on the main route of communication, whereas Pergamum lay on a bypath, and had only a historical title to the primacy in Asia.

In this case the ecclesiastical organization accepted the facts of the situation from the time of Paul onwards; so also did the emperor Caligula in a decree quoted by Dion Cassius, lix. 28. 1 (unless he was following chrono- logical order). ven after it lost the pre-eminence in the pro- vince, Pergamum continued to be a great and ially honourable city. It was granted a third eokorate by Caracalla; and no Asian city ever attained more.

This title has often been mis- apprehended by the older writers: when a city styles itself Neokoros on coins and in inscriptions, this always implies ‘warden of a temple dedicated to the imperial worship.’ When a city has the title ‘thrice Neokoros,’ this implies three separate temples of Emperors, each with its separate priest- oad and services and staff of attendant ministers.

Ephesus, exception to the rule, sometimes by a solita 5 os itself ‘four times Neokoros,’ where the fourth Neokorate refers to the worship of Diana the Ephesian, recognized as a Roman deity by Hadrian (see above).

beg sueyhane on its coins boasts itself as che first city honoured with triple Neokorate ; but no stress can be laid on this boast, for the three cities, Pergamum, Ephesus, Smyrna, vied with one anovher in titles, inventing or appropriating them, and all three claimed the primacy of Asia on different grounds.§ * See The Church in tha Rom. Emp. before 170, p. 276. Friinkel, Jnschriften Pergam, iL p. 268; Durr, Reisen dea Kaisers Hadrian, p. 401. t See vol. i. p. 724.

§ Ephesus acquired triple Neokorate in the latter part of Severus’ reign, as Head says in Catalogue Brit. Mus. Jonia, PERGAMUS OR PERGAMUM 751 The allusion to the martyr Antipas at Pe mum (Rey 93) ig remarkable. pee poe any other of the Seven Churches is alluded to. Yet it is not to be doubted, in view of the rest of the book, that there had been martyrs in them all, and that their sufferings, which are mentioned, imply fully developed persecution by the Roman state.

The prominent mention of Antipas is probably to be explained by his being the earliest martyr put to death by the Roman state policy ; and, according to a common principle, the name of the first is given as in a sense representative of the whole list.

While Pergamum was the capital of the province, the governor, before whom the trials would be held, was there more fr uently than in any other city (though of course he made occa- sional progresses through his province); and many Christians from other cities would be condemned and would suffer there, so that Pergamum would be peculiarly associated with the death of the martyrs from Antipas onwards.

There is there- fore no po that Antipas belonged to Pergamum, though he is mentioned as having suffered there.* This position of Pergamum as the place of martyrs did not continue after it ceased to be ‘the place where the throne of Satan is.

’ After the time of Hadrian, doubtless, the proconsul of Asia spent much more of his time at Ephesus than at ergamum ; and we observe in the earliest Mar- tyrologies, the old Syrian and the Hieronymian, that more martyrs are associated with Ephesus, Smyrna, Laodicea, and Synnada than with Perga- mum ; for very few names of the Ist cent. martyrs at Pergamum were preserved.

+ The allusion to the new name given to each Christian, secret, written on a white stone (Rev 217), is perhaps an allusion to the custom of taking secret and new baptismal names: this custom perhaps arose in the stress of persecution, and was intended to ensure greater secrecy during the ages when it was dangerous to be known as a Christian. The secret name is mentioned only in the letter to Pergamum, the place of martyrs, and does not occur in the letters to the other churches.

The question also occurs whether the allusion to writing on a white stone is made with reference to the writing material manu- factured at Pergamum and deriving its name from the city, charta Pergamena or parchment.

In the letter to Philadelphia occurs an allusion to writing : 41 will write upon him the name of my God, and the name of the city of my God’: the difference between this expression and the secret name written on the white stone at Pergamum suggests that the language is chosen with reference to the special circumstance of the city: ‘the name is written, not on your lasting white parchment, but on an imperishable white tessera’; cf. LAODICEA.

The ‘white stone’ is not an allusion to the white stone (λευκὸς AlGos), 4.¢. marble, so abundant in the buildings of Pergamum and other great cities; it is called a ‘ white ψῆφος, a sort of tessera, a small cube or tablet, on which brief titles or watchwords or signs were engraved, and which was often employed for similar purposes to a ticket in modern times. That there were Jews in Pergamum may be regarded as certain. In B.c, 139 the Romans wrote to Attalus 1.

in favour of the Jews, which sroves that there were Jews in his dominions (as is of course well known from other sources), and there is a reasonable certainty that some would . 76; see the inscription in Le Bas- Waddington, No. 147); inohiver! de Neocoria, p. 107 t. * No independent tradition about Antipas bas come down to us: the references to him seem all to depend on Rev 24. The details of almost all eventa in the earliest persecutions perished from the memory of history.

ἡ See the preceding note. ᾿ ; 1 Of, Σεράτων Τυράννον ‘ledeia at Magnesia Sip., Ath. Mit Inst. 1899, p. 239. PERIDA settle in the capital of the kingdom as the centre for financial operations. About 8,6. 130 the Pergamenians, now an autonomous state (as we have seen above), passed a decree (in accordance with the resolution of the Roman Senate) in favour of the Jews and the high priest Hyrcanus.

* While this decree does not actually mention Jewish residents in the city, there would be little reason for it unless Pergamum were in close re- lations with the Jews. nder the Romans, Per- gamum was no longer the commercial centre of the province, for it lay far from 7 of the great trade routes between the East and Rome; and it may be regarded as probable that the Jewish settlers in Pergamum would not increase but rather diminish in numbers. Hence in B.c.

62, when Flaccus, overnor of Asia, confiscated the money which the ΤῊ Ξ of the provinces were on the point of sending to Jerusalem as their annual contribution, he seized at Apameia of Phrygia nearly 100 Ibs. weight of gold,t at Laodicea of Phrygia over 20 Ibs. weight, at Adramyttium an amount which has been obliterated in the manuscripts, and at Pergamum a small amount. Adramyttium, as a seaport, was prperenily at that time a more im- rtant Jewish centre than Pergamum.

The inscriptions hitherto discovered in the city never allude to Jews; but, inasmuch as the Jews used ure Greek names (even the envoys mentioned in the Pergamenian decree about 130 have Greek names, and would be unrecognizable as Jews), some of the persons alluded to in the inscriptions may possibly be Jews.

On the whole, the failure of the term ‘Jew’ in the numerous inscriptions points to the very thorough assimilation of Greek manners by the Pergamenian Jews, who had thus become almost undistinguishable from the general population of the city.

It is probable that this adoption of Greek manners by the Jews in Perga- mum is the cause of the allusion to Balaam and the Nicolaitans in Rev 2-45, Some of them had become Christians; and their freedom in following Greek ways of life, and in complying with idola- trous usages in society, had begun to have some effect on the Christian community in the city. Little is known as to the later history of Chris- tianity in Pergamum, or as to the fortunes of the city.

It was a bishopric throughout the Byzantine period, being part of the later and smaller Byzan- tine Asia, under Ephesus; and it has continued to be a place of some consequence, preserving the ancient name Bergama, down to the present day. Much more light will be thrown on the city when the splendid and costly excavations conducted for years at Pergamum by the German Government are completed and their results fully published. Up to the present time the volumes (1.)

on the inscriptions (with supplement in Athen. Mittheil. Inst. 1899), (ii.) on the sanctuary of Athena Polias Nikephoros, (iv.) on the theatre-terrace, and (v.) on the temple of Trajan, are the only ones published. W. M. RAMSAY.