Demand (Hastings' Dictionary)

Throughout AV ' demand ' is simply to ask, as Fr. detnander, without the sense of authority. This is manifest from the Heb. and Gr. words so tr'', which have all this simple meaning. In Introd. to Gen. Bible we read, ' The Catechisme, or nianer to teache children the Christian religion, wherein the minister demandcth the question, and the childe maketh answer.' See Field, O.V iii. on Mt 2*. As a subst. d. occurs only Dn 4" ^vith tha same simple meaning. Cf. Chaucer, Troilut, r.

859— * And of th' assege (siege) he gan hir eek byiecba. To telle hiin what was hir opinioun. Fro that demaunde he so descendeth doun To asken hir, if that hir strauni^e thoughte The Grekes gyse, and werkes that they wroughte.' Once RV introduces d. in mod. sense (Neh 5") foi AV 'require' (see Ryle's note). J. Hastings. DEMAS DEMETRIUS IIL 58s DEMAS ( AijAiaj, possibly an abbrev.

of DemetriuB) is described by the Apostle Paul as a fellow- labourer, and unites with him in sending salutations from Home to the ColossianB and to Philemon (Col 4", PhUem v.") In the 2nd Ep. to Timothy (4'") he is described as having forsaken the apostle when he was awaiting bis tritil before Nero, becaose he 'loved tliis present world.'

Whether he was discouraged by the hardships of the Christian life, or allured by the hope of some earthly advantage, and whetner his apostasy was temporary or final, we have no means of knowing. Tradition leans to the darker view of his character, and classes him among the apostates from the faith rEpiph. H(Br. 51). R. M. Boyd. DEMETRIUS I., sumamed 2i*j->fp, ' Saviour,' by the Babylonians in gratitude for the removal of their satrap Heraclides, was the son of Seleucus Philopator.

In his boyhood he was sent (B.C. 175) to Rome as a hostage, and remained there during the reign of his uncle, Antiochus Epiphanes. When the Senate several times refused his request to be recognized as the king of Syria, he fled from Rome, with the assistance chiefly of the historian Pol vbius( Poly b. xxxi. ; Justin, xxxiv. 3). Landing at Tripolis, he was joined by large bodies of the people, and even by tlie bodyguard of his cousin, Antiochus Eupator.

Eupator was soon defeated and pnt to death, and in B.C. 162 D. was pro- claimed king (1 Mac 7'"*, 2 Mac 14'- '; Jos. Ant. xn. X. 1 ; Liv. Epit. xlvi.) He conciliated Rome by valuable presents (Polyb. xxxi. 23), and, after interfering in the afliairs of Babylon (App. Stir. 47 ; Polyb. xxxii. 4), turned his attention to Judaea. Alcunus (wh. see) was established in the high priesthood, and the Syrian lordship was for a time completely renewed. In the seven years that followed, D.

at'ain oflended the Romans by putting a supporter of nis own in the place of Ariarathes on the throne of Cappadocia (Polyb. xxxii. 20 ; Liv. Epit. xlvii.), whilst his tyranny and excesses alienated his own people. Alexander Balas (wh. see) was set up as a claimant to the crown of Syria (B.C. 153) ; and he and D. competed for the support of Jonathan (1 Mac 10'-" ; Jos. Ant. XIII. ii. 1-3).

The former, offering princely rank and the high priest- hood, won at the first bid ; and when the latter mcule a further promise of exemption from taxa- tion and investment with privilege (1 Mac 10^""), the people ' gave no credence ' to his words, which are very important for the light they cast upon the nature of the im[>ost8 exacted by the Syrian kings.

The salt tax, the king's share of the crops and fruits, the poll-tax, the pressed service, wiih a variety of otner burdens, were to be remitted, and the expenses of the temple to be met from the royal revenue (see Mahatl'y, Emp. of Ptolemies, 8 117). With the help of the Jews, Balas was able to recover from the reverses he suffered during the two years' war that followed; and in B.C. 150 a decisive engagement took place, in which D.

dis- played the utmost personal bravery, but was defeated and slain (1 JIac lO"-* ; Jos. Ant. XIII. ii. 4 ; App. Syr. 67 ; Polyb. iii. 5 ; Justin, xxxv. 1 ; Euseb. Chron. ed. Schocne, i. 283 so. ). R. W. Moss. DEMETRIUS lU sumamed XniTup, 'Con- queror,' wa.s sent by liis father, O. Soter, for safety to Cnidus after the success of Balas seemed prob- able (Justin, xxxv. 2). For several years he re- mained in exile ; but as soon as the unpoiiularity of Balas gave him an opportunity, he landed (B.

C. 147) with an army of Cretan mercenaries on the Cilician cotust. The entire country rallied to him except Judsea, where Jonathan still supported Balas. But Ptolemy Philoniotor declared in his favour, and their combined forces inflicted a fatal defeat upon Balas (B.C. 145) on the banks of th« CEnoparas, from which event D. derived his surname (1 Mac 11""" ; Jos. Ant. xm. iv. 8 ; App. Syr. 67 ; Liv. Epit. Iii.)

Jonathan now set him- self to separate Judica from the Syrian Empire, and besieged the citadel in Jems. ; but D. per- suaded him to raise the siege on the addition of three Samaritan provinces to Judaea, and the exemption of the country thus enlarged from tribute (1 Mac ll*"'^ ; Jos. Ant. XIII. iv. 9). When the excesses of D. had estranged his subjects. Try phon ( Diodotus), a former general of Balas, set up the latter's son as a pretender to the throne ; but D.

obtained the help of Jonathan by promising the removal of the Syrian garrisons from Jud;ea, and put down the revolt (1 Mac 11"""; Jos. Ant. XIII. V. 2, 3). On Jonathan's return to Judaea the revolt broke out again, and Tryphon made himself master of Antioch. As D. failed to keep hia promise to the Jews, they now took the side of Tryphon, and drove the royal forces out of Ccele- Syria (1 Mac IP^"'*; Jos. Ant. XIU. v. 6-11). D. withdrew from the S.

part of his kingdom ; but when Tryphon, who had secured the Syrian cro\vn for himself, attempted to reduce Judaea, Jonathan's brother Simon attached himself to D., and ex- tracted from him a formal recognition of independ- ence (I Mac 13*"^; Jos. Ant. XIU. vi. 7). Soon after D. invaded the dominions of the king of Parthia, by whom, in B.C. 138, he was taken prisoner (1 Mac 14''* : though Jos. Ant. XIII. v. 11, Justin, xxxvi. 1, and App. Syr.

67, 68, arrange the events in a different order, and support B.C. 140 as the date of the disaster). The imprisonment lasted for ten years, at the close of which D. was liberated by the Parthian king, who was engaged in war with Antiochus Sidetes, brother of D. (Jos. Ant. XIII. viii. 4 ; Ens. Chron. ed. Schoene, i. 255). D. recovered the kingdom (B.C. 128), and at once undertook a war against Ptolemy Physkon of Egypt.

Ptolemy thereupon claimed the Syrian crown for Alexander Zabmas, who was announced to be the son of Balas (Eus. Chron. i. 257), or of Sidetes (Justin, xxxix. 1). D. was conquered by Zabinas at Damascus, and fled to Ptolemais, and thence to Tyre, where in B.C. 125 he was murdered (Jos. Ant. XUI. ix. 3), possibly at the instigation of his wife Cleopatra (App. Syr. 68 ; Liv. Epit. Ix.) R. W. Moss. DEMETRIUS III. (sumamed Eflxaipos, ' Pros- perous,' and on coins Theos, Soter, Philometor, etc.)

was a son of Antiochus Grypus, and grand- son of D. Nikator. On the death of his father civil wars ensued, in the course of wliieh two of his elder brothers lost their lives, whilst Philip, the third, secured a part of Syria, and D. established himself in Coele-Syria, with Damascus as his capital, by the aid of Ptolemy Lathyrus, king of Cyprus (Jos. Ant. XIII. xiii. 4). In Judaea, too, civil war broke out between Alexander Jannaeuii and his Pharisee subjects.

The latter invited the assistance of D. (Jos. Ant. XIII. xiii. 5; Wars, I. iv. 4), who possibly regarded it as a good opportunity to extend his kingdom to its ancient limits on tiie West and the South. He entered the country with a large army, was joined by the insurgent Jews, and defeated Jannicus in a pitched battle near Shechem (Jos. Ant. XIII. xiv. 1 ; Wars, I. iv. 5). But the desertion of the Jews, who either pitied the plight of Jannieus (Jos. Wars, ib.)

or more probably feared the re-establishment of Syrian supremacy, made it impossible for D. to follow up the victory, and he withdrew to Beroea (Aleppo). The town was occupied by Philip, who, when bo.sieged by his brother, called the I'arthiana to his aid. D. was in turn shut up closely within his encampment and starved into surrender. Ha was sent as a prisoner to Arsacea IX., by whom ha 590 DEMETRIUS DEMON, DEVIL was detained in captivity until his death (Jos. Ant. xm. xiv. 3).

The dates of the reign of D. cannot be fixed with precision ; bat coins of his are known, dated from the Seleucid year 217 to 224, i.e. approximately from B.C. 95 to 88 (Eckhel, iii. 245 ; Gardner, Catalogue of Gr. Coins in the Brit. Mut. 101). R. W. Moss. DEMETRIUS (Ai;mi)t/«os).— Two persons of the name are mentioned m NT — the ringleader in the riot at Ephesus (Ac 19**), and a disciple commended by St. John (3 Jn v.")

Both of these dwelt either in Ephesus or its vicinity, — the very name is redolent of Ephesian surround- ings, and there is nothing impossible in the sugges- tion that the agitator had become the disciple of good report, and that, therefore, both leferences are to the same man. In its contracted form of Demas this is also the name of one who has an unhappy notoriety as a recreant, ' Demas hath forsaken me ' (2 Ti 4"). He is also mentioned in Col 4" and Philem v.'

, and it is not certain that St. Paul meant to imply anything like utter apostasy. W. MuiB. DEMON, DETIL, Gr. ialiuav, or Sunbnov (more frequently), Heb. i^, Syr. '\'>X», Aram, ten} (cf. Assyr. Hdu). The supposed Heb. root is [nis] ' to be mighty,' hence ' to rule,' Arab. jLj (cf. ti^ ' to treat violently, to destroy '). Demoniac, Jai/uofi- f6/«m. For 'devil' (properly Jid/}o\os, see Satan) RV rightly substitutes 'demon' wherever the Greek text has iaiiiMvwv.

Both physical and moral evil may be regarded from two standpoints — (1) As existing in man physically in the form of bodily disease, or spiritu- ally as moral evil ; (2) as having a source outside man. It is with physical and moral evil in the latter aspect that we are now dealing. Among the Hebrews, both in pre-exHic and post-exUic times down to a comparatively late period of the Christian era, both moral and physical evil were attributed to personal agencies.

This conception of personal evil agencies, that affected man's body and soul, exercised a profound and enduring influence over the minds of Christ and the apostles, and played a very considerable part in the writings of the Church Fathers. In tracing this conception of evil spirits influenc- ing man to its primitive sources, we shall find that it has its springs in early Semitic ideas which surrounded the Israelite people in the dawn of their history.

Baudissin has clearly shown how the demonology of the Grseco-Roman period of Judaism emerged out of the earlier polytheism. On this we shall have more to say later on. But it should be noted that that polytheism was itself the outcome of the principle called by Tylor, in his well-known work Primitive Culture, by the name 'animism.' Even early mankind instinctively Bought for causes, and interpreted the forces and other manifwtations of nature as personal, i.e.

as emanating from beings analogous to himself (cf. Siebeck, Lehrb. d. Religionsphilosophie, p. 58 ff. ). Thus primitive man dwelt in a cosmic society of superhuman agencies, some of which ministered to his well-being and others to his injury. At the dawn of human consciousness man found himself confronted by forces which he was unable to control, and which exercised a baleful or destructive influence.

Hurricane, lightning, sunstroke, plague, flood, and earthquake were ascribed to wrathful Sersonal agencies, whose malignity man would en- eavour to avert or appease. The nomadic Arabs of the time of Mohammed believed in the existence of hostile powers or Jinns, who were held to be the inhabitants of lonely spots, and Mohammed himself recognized their existence just as fully as his heathen con- temporaries did. Various names were given to them, viz.

Ghul, 'Ifrit, Slid, 'AIM ; and we have likewise feminine names. The word Ifrit, which occurs so frequently in the ' One thousand and one nights,' is also found in the KorS,n (Sur. 27. 39), and according to Wellhausen means, like the Heb. Tyj?, 'hairy.' * ' The desert is full of these spectral shapes. whoever spends his time there as a traveller must steel his heart against them. A child of the desert must be on friendly terms with the wolf and on terms of intimacy with the ghul.'

On this subject consult W. R. Smith, RS', p. 119 f. A. The Demonolooy of the OT. — The paral- lels which we find in OT to the Jinn of ancient as well as modem Arabia may now be noted. Isaiah, in an oracle describing the doom of Edom, por- trays a scene among Edom's ruined fortresses, when ' one I'lV (hairy satyr) shall call out to an- other, and Lilith (the night hag) shall take up her abode ' (Is 34"). This Lilith is a demon of feminine sex.

The same mythical creature meets us in the cuneiform inscriptions (see Schrader, C'OJii. p. 311). In one of the magical texts cited by Horamel (Seiniten, p. 367) occurs the line (iv. Rawl. 29, No 1, Rev. 23)— 'The lUu, the lilat, the handmaid of LUu,' The Babylonian lildtu or lilitu is placed in tnis incantation in close connexion with the pla{;ue- demon Namtar.

There can be little doubt that this plague-demon was connected in the popular imagination with the Semitic • Babylonian word lildtu, which means ' night,' and so became a word of terror, denoting the night-demon, who sucked the blood of her sleeping victims. This grim feminine personality became a subject for later Jewish legends (see Sayce, Hibbert Led. p. 146), which multiplied these night-demons (lilin). * Skizzen «. Vorarbeiten, iii. (' Reste dea Arabischen Heiden- thuma '), p. 136 ad fin.

But this view appears to me somewhat doubtful, and the connexion of l>;:>^^yft£ with r'i.C 0$V) ' dust,' seems more probable. When we bear in mind the close connexion between the Jinn and the serpent according^ to Araliic belief (see Noldeice, Zntgchr. fur V 6lkerp8ycholog%e u. Sprachirussen^chaft, vol. i. 1860, p. 412 fF.; and Baudissin, Stud, zur Sernit. Iteligimigesch. i. 279 fif.), we mi(jht connect with this the curse pronounced on the serpent in Gn 3' ' Dust thou shalt eat . .

Wincliler, it is true, reffards this as simply an expres- sion of dishonour or disgrace, and compares the phrase tikatu ijtra in one of the Tel el-Amama letters (AUorUnt, Forjfch. iii. 271). But a hint which we obtain from Doughtj-'s Arabia Deierta (i. p. 136) places us on the right traoii both for the explanation of the word '//rtt and of Gn 31^ * Malignity of the soil is ascribed to jdn, ground demons, ahl el-ard. or earth-folk.'

Malignant demons are believed to inhabit the seven stages of the under-world (i7). p. 259). I should therefore prefer to cite, as an Assyrian illustration of On S^, the 8th hne m the Descent of IStar to Hades. tiMr ipru madu biibuttgunu akaliunu tifu, » place where much dust is their siistnnance, mire their food.' Mr. Buchanan Gray of Mansfield College, Oxford, in a letter which he kindly sent to me on this subject, says, ' I have looked through the article in the Lisdn el 'Arab on JiC.

, and cui find ootiiing that wcewitatei giving to 'I/reet the sense " hairy." I daresay you tiave noticed that some of the derivatives of the root \ -tc, i_f^Al (in plu.) denote the feathers of the neck or the mane, or the front hairs of a horse. In the Une dted by Wellh. from Hudh. 227" ^Ur (plu. of O/S-C) i» used of the hair of women. The feminine of i_5r^ ^ 'S! T*^ ' whence, according to Arabic lexicographers, kj; — . J.

C- (I/rtt), through quiescence of the yd, and subsequent change of the S into iSJ. This Is all the connexion with hair which I have yet been able to find, and thus there seems less in favour of connecting 'I/reet with hairiness, than of your attractive alternative view of connecting it with dust.' In the new ed (181)7) of WeUhausen's Jiette, see pp. 161 ff., and footnote 1 p. 182. DEMOX, DEVIL DEMON, DEVIL 591 See Weber, Syst. der altsynagog. Pnlastin. Theol. p.

246; ^is^nmeageT, EntdeckteaJudenth.W p. 413tf. Even conservative critics like Dillmann and Kbnig assiLTi Is 34 (together with 35) to a period not earlier than the end of the exile ; Cheyne, indeed, would regard it as post-exilic (Intrud. to Isaiah, p. 205 ff.) In the case of this chapter, as well as IS'-U", it is impossible to deny the existence of clear traces of direct Babylonian infliience. But th?

date of authorship of these passages does not determine the question when the belief in demonic personalities embodied in animal shapes first be- came prevalent in Israel. From the mention of jackals, ostriches, wild cats, and hysenas in con- nexion with the cn'1'7 ' satyrs,' both in 34'"'- and its parallel 13"'-, we are led to infer that demons were held to reside more or less in all these animal denizens of the ruined solitude. From Lv IT' we also learn that in post-ex.

times sacrifices were ottered to c-i'ii^ — a practice which is expressly forbidden. On the other hand, the curious rite respecting 'Azftzel (^iKlif), detailed in Lv le"-, formed an in- tegral part oi the ceremonies on the great Day of Atonement, and clearly shows how firmly embedded in popular imagination was this belief in evil powers of tlie solitude. 'Azftzel is here an evil spirit, and stands opposed to J". * See AzAZEL.

The belief that certain animals were endowed with demonic powers, somewhat like the Arabic Jinn, must have existed in comparatively early pre-ex. times, since Gn 3''", containing the tempta- tion of Eve by the serjient, belongs to tlie earlier stratum of J. We might compare with this Nu 22^"**, coming from the same documentary source. But in the narrative of the temptation of Eve by the serpent there is no hint that an evil spirit resided in the serpent.

The serpent is identified with it, and we have no suggestion tliat a demon was able to detach itself from the animal and pass Into something else. This was a later develop- ment. The animal was itself the demonic power, and the latter is not abstracted or treated as a separable personality. The Jewish exile, covering the larger part of the 8th cent. ac. and the close of the 7th, wrought a great change. It is probably to this period that we owe the Heb. word i^.

This word, occurring in the plural form u-\^ in Dt 32", like the Aram. KiV, is probably a loan-word, taken from the Assyro, Babylonian (Hdu). The word Hdu in Assyr. means good or evil genius, represented in the monuments in the form of a colossal bull. The word occurs only twice in OT(Dt32"and Ps 106"). The Song of Moses (Dt 32) in its present form can hardly be earlier than the time of Jeremiah and Ezekiel (Kuenen).

Indeed, its retrospective and didactic character, as well as the references to Israel's past sins of idolatry, would point quite as well to the 6ih cent, as to the 7th for the date of its composition. In other words, it may be held, with considerable probability, to reflect the feel- ings of pious Jews m the exile period. , Now, magic played a very considerable part in Babylonian religion.

Magic rests on the basis of a belief in evil and destructive spirits, to whose baleful influences man is daily exposed, and which can be counteracted by certain incantations, whereby the countervailing name and power of the higher oenilicent gods are invoked. As Sayce has \ clearly shown (Uibbert Lr.ct. p. 317), ma^c was I closely bound up with medicine, since ' all sickness was ascribed to demoniacal possession ; the demon had been eaten with the food and drunk with the • 8pc SchulU, A Ittett.

Thteiln<i<t «(1888), p. 308; and al*o Cheyne In ZATW, 1896, He(t i. P. ISi'lT. Tlie rurioin rits ot lendinK forth the KOnt for AiImI Into the wildcm(!M(Lv 18»> >')«hould brf-oiii)<arril with \\\f denvat'-h of the bird Into th« fUld In the amnion; mpectJng loproc; (Ufy water, or breathed in -with the air, and until he could be expelled there was no chance of recovery ' (p. 310). Specimens of these magical texts may be seen in the translations given in Appendix 3 of Sayce's Hibbert Lectures.

We subjoin the follow- ing specimen : — * The plague (namtarX the fever which wUl carry the people away, The sickness, the consumption which will trouble mankind, Ilarmlul to the flesh, injurious to the body, The evil incubus, the evil alu, the evil inatikum. The ev\\ nian, the evil eye, the evil mouth, the evil tonglM . Against my body never may they come. My eye never may they injure . . Into my house never may they enter, O spirit of heaven conjure, O spirit of earth conjure.'

• A comparison of this vast system of belief in evil spirits and in incantations, which prevailed in Babyionia, with the later Jewish traditions of demonology, at once reveals the close connexion between the two. During the exile these Baby- lonian traditions efl'ected an entrance into the Jewish world of ideas, and there became per- manently domiciled. But while tj' is obviously borrowed from the Bab. iidu, its signification was by no means the same.

For on^ is used in the sense of deities of the heathen, diok cnS.x. Now, the attitude of ancient Israel towards foreign deities varied con- siderably in diflerent periods of the nation's history. The continued declension of the people towards idolatry in the pre-exilic times clearly shows that, in the popular mind, belief in the power as well as existence of foreign deities was firmly rooted. Many OT passages clearly indicate this, Jg 6" 9**, Nu 21» (cf.

Jer 48« 49'), 1 S 26'», Ru 1" 2" (see Baudissin, Stud, zur Semit. Religiunsgesch. Hefti.) In other words, the religion of Israel in early times was henotheism rather than monotheism. In fact, monotheism came very slowly to displace the ' monarchic polytheistic ' beli£f of primitive Israel. It is true that, from the 8th cent. B.C.

downwards, the 'other gods' are called 'no gods,' 'emptiness,' 'wind,' 'vanity' (or 'breath'), ' corpses,' and ' dead ' ; but these are terms which are rather selected to express the utter powerless- ness and insutiiciency oi foreign deities in com- parison with tlie supreme miglit of J", the true living God of Israel, than to assert their absolute non-existence, t Accordingly, in the two passages Dt 32" and Ps 106", the word nnp ' demons ' is used to describe the subordinate position, as compared with J", of the Moabite deities, to whom the Hebrews sacri- ficed in the time of Moses.

Baudissin rightly observes in reference to Dt 32" ' when in the Song of Moses it is said that J" alone has led Israel, and no strange god (ijj Sk) was with Him, we '^ must merely understand that the active influence ^ of strange gods over Israel is excluded, but that their existence was rather recognized than y denied.' The use of o-iif* in these two passages may, in fact, be regarded as tlie first step taken by Israel in the direction of demonology, under Babylonian • See Tiele, Babj/lon-Auyr.

Getch. p. 648 ff. ; Hommcl, OacK Babul. Atlur. p. 383 ft. The subject was first comprehensively dealt with in Lenomiant's ChaUUxan Magic, about twenty yean utto. The latist work is L. W. Kinif's llab. Magic and Horceri/, Cunt\farm Trzln/rojn the Koui/unjik CoUectimtt in B.M. t Baudissin (it. p. Ti) in our opinion errs in holding that, In all passages which describe the victorious conflict in which J' engages with the gods of the heathen, we have merely poetic personification ot the latter, e.g.

Is 10', Jer 46>. The langusjfe ol Ei 1511 ' Who is like unto thee, O J", among the gods (C'^t<5, cf. Ps 77"'' lO-SS 00, In which comparison is made be tween God and the deities of other nations), clearly i[)dicat«i that trnns kind ot existence and power, however slight, Is assigned to the latter. That the terms D7'7i<, '>jn, ifly, iS DM^K, eto., cannot be pressed Into signifying the absolute denial of existence. Is recognised by Baudissin himself (A p. 101 ad /In.)

592 DEMON, DEVIL DEMON, DEVIL influence, the deities of foreign nations being relegated to this subordinate rank, and desig- nated by this lenii. Elsewhere in OT and in the literature ol a l:iter period, we find the deities of the heathen identified with the host of stars. Of this we have an example in the apocalyptic section in Isaiah (24-26), which is placed by many critics, with good reason, in the Greek period, not much earlier than the Maccabaean book of Daniel.

In Is 24" we read ' And it shall come to pass in that day, that J" \vil\ visit the host of the height in the height, and the kings of the earth upon the earth, and they shall be carried away captive to the pit, and shut up in the prison, and the moon shall grow pale,' etc. This is a fresh development of the old pre-exilic Heb. conception of the heavenly host of attendant personal powers or angels, repre- sented as stars.

This belief is reflected in Micaiah's vision (I K 22"), Deborah's song (Jg S*"), and embodied in the name niKj^ m.T, which frequently recurs in prophetic literature (AJm 5", Is 1' 6 etc.),* and thence passed into post-exilic psalm liturgy (Ps 103" 148^). In the apocalyptic passage Is 24-', the host of the height are the heathen deities identified with fallen angels. Here, again, the roots of the conception of fallen national deities may be found in the influences of the exUe (cf. Is 46').

It is impossible to mistake the significance of the passage la 14"^ — ' Oh 1 how art thou (alien from heaven Lucifer (Vj'n) son of the dawn I How art thou hewn down to earth who didst laj peoples low I And thou saidst in thy heart : To the heavenewjl I mount up, Above the Btars of God will I set my throne on high ' . . B. The Dkmonolooy of later Judaism.

— During the Greek period the conception of the gods of the heathen as demons became firmly estab- lished, and its development was no doubt largely helped by a growing tendency to assume an inter- mediate realm of Sai/ioves (later Sat/iivia). Its beginnings may be traced even in Hesiod, who mEuie a distinction between Oeol and Sal/xoyes — the latter being good, and the survivors of the happy golden race whom the Olympic gods first made. But in the 5th cent. B.C.

£mpedocles widened the gap between gods and demons. The gods were powerful and good, without appetite or passion ; the demons, on the other hand, held a middle position between men and gods, and were the ministers from the latter to the former. These Salfions lived long, but were not immortal like the gods. They had passions like men, and there existed varying grades among them, some being beneficent and others malignant.

It was the demons who communicated dreams and oracles to men, and inspired them towards good and evil (Grote, Hist, of Greece, L pp. 66, 409 fT.) Stoic theology subsequently adopted into its system this conception of an intermediate realm of Sai^ii-ia, in order that polytheism, as a moral power, miglit be rehabilitated. This finds full expression in the 2nd cent A.D. in such writers as Plutarch, Apuleius, and Maximus of Tyre.

The demons stand between men and gods, and all the elements of mythology that were derogatory to the char- acter of the national deities were referred to the demons. Greek influence, therefore, stimulated the growth of Hebrew angelology and demonology. Inter- mediate personal agencies became interpolated between the absolute transcendent God and the phenomenal world.

As God in His transcendence became removed from participation in the material • I disagree, however, with Smend in his conclusion that this name was a speciality of prophetic literature, borrowed, as Wellhausen suggests, from Amos {Lfhrii^uh d. Atttsst. Reiigumt- geteh. p. 186 IT.) The orl^ of the phrase was undoubtedly much more primitive. world, these mediating personalities became a quasi. intellectual necessity. Accordingly, the LXX renders o'Y^x in Ps 95 [Heb.

96]' by Sai/iina, and so also D-iBi in t)t 32", Ps 105 [Heb. 106] ", ti in la 65", and dv51 in Is 34'^. Similarly, in the Bk. of Baruch heathen deities are called Scu/Miria or evil spirits. The Ethiopic Bk. of Enoch designates the gods Aganent, ' demons,' while in the proem to the Sibylline books the gods of the heathen are called ialfioves ol iv dSj]. It should be noted, moreover, that both in the Sibylline books and in the Bk. of Enoch the deities are regarded as evil spirits.

PhUo, on the other hand, who came more directly and completely under Greek influence, occupied an exceptional position. He treats the gods of the heathen as good heavenly powers, identified with stars, in opposition to the prevalent Jewish -Alex- andrine conception. We notice again in '^ 6"* the evil spirit Asmodaeus is called simply Scu/idrtor, and in 3'' " rovripiv 5ai/i6;'ioi<. Similarly, in Josephus Sain^viov is used of the ghostly evil spirit.

The subject of Jewish demonology is too rast to compress into the compass of this article. We shall therefore cite a few only among the salient features which may be gathered from Weber's System der altsynagog. Paldst. Theol. § 54. The ordinary word for ' devil ' in later Heb. is IS*. Similarly, in the Peshittft ]>(-• is the render- ing of the SaiiiMviov of NT.+ Another term em- ployed by the Jews was I'p'i?, meaning ' destructive' or 'injurious ones' (cf. Pael P'lj 'injure'). Thus the Targ.

renders a-i-'g in Ps i06" by k.S"'?. In fact, the Trvev/iara aKaBaprra (irovripi) of NT is merely a rendering of [V? fa'"' or .inp d 'nn ; and just as pm-i is sometimes used by itself to express this, so also in NT with Tnievnara. According to Jewish conjceptions, Satan stands at the head of the demons. From BcrachOth 51a we learn that they form societies or bands which lie in wait for men.

The sick, women in men- struation, bridegrooms and brides, those in sorrow, and even disciples (D'Pjq I'P^p), are liable to their assaults. According to Pesachim 1124 the nightly wanderer is specially open to danger, for the night season until cock-crow is the time when demons walk abroad. They surround the house, and injure those who fall into their hands. More particularly, they destroy children who during the night pass outside the bouse.

As soon as the cock crows this power ceases, and the demons return to their place of abode. Also there are special animals which, according to Jewish belief, are united with demons, viz. serpents, asses, bulls, mosquitos, etc. We are here again reminded of the Jinn of the desert in primitive as well <u modem Arabian belief.! ' Don't remain standing,' is the warning of Pesachim 1 124, ' when the bull comes from the meadow, for Satan dances between his horns.'

God alone has power to quell the demons. His protection is always bestowed on the congregation when the priest recites the 'nPy': of Nu 6^, an expression which, according to Sifre 12a, bears special reference to evil thoughts and demons. The protection is aflbrded bj means of the guardian angels whom God assigns to His pious followers. BerachCth 40a gives the advice that covenant salt (Lv 2", Nu 18') should be eaten and drunk at every meal as a protection against demons.

Certain formulffi or passages from Holy Philo also identifies the heroes and demons of Oreek specn. lation with the angels of Moses. Hia tendency was to rationalize myth, In souls and demons and ansela we have, it is true, diiferent names, but, in conceiving the thing represented by them all to be one and the same, you will set aside a heavy bunU'n. viz. superstition ' (Conybeare in J^R, Oct 1H9C, p. 79X t This is the Syr.

equivalent of laufjun In Lk 8*, and iouiMuir (Mt I7i« etc), and Tif (Lt 177, u IS" M"). : Cf. Mk lU )i> AMVa T<:> ir:tmt. DEMON, DEVIL DEMON, DEVIL 693 Writ were considered specially potent against demons. Berach. 51a recommends the passage from Zee 3^ ' The Lord rebuke thee, Satan, as specially eflective ajjainst the Angel of Death.

A boaa Zara 126, Pesachim 1126, warn the reader against drink- ing wat«r in the night, for he runs the risk of death, or of the demon Shabriri, who can make men blind. The remedy is to strike the water-jug with the lid, and say to oneself, 'Thou N., son of N., thy mother hath warned thee, and said. Guard thyself from tlie Shabriri, beriri riri, in, ri,' the pronunciation of the namewith a syllable short each time beini; a potent spell to drive the demon away.

We shall now cite an interesting illustrative passage from Josephus {Ant. vill. ii. 5), which is signihcant because it shows how profoundly the belief in demonology ati'ected even the most culti- vated and cosmopolitan of Jews. In his account of Solomon's wisdom * we are informed that ' God enabled him to learn that skill which expels demons,' and that Solomon composed such in- cantations as alleviate distempers.

' And he left behind him the mode of using exorcism by which they drive away demons so that they never return. And this method is prevalent unto this day, for I have seen a certain man of my own country, whose name was Eleazar, releasing people that were de- moniacal in the presence of Vespasian. .

The manner of the cure was as follows : — He put a ring that had a root, of one of those sorts mentioned by Solomon, to the nostrils of the demoniac, after \vhich he drew the demon out through his nostrils ; and when the man fell down at once, he adjured him (the demon) to return unto him no more, making still mention of Solomon, and reciting the incantations which he composed.' Another passage shows that Josephus con.sidered demons to be the Bpirit« of departed wicked men {BJ vu. vi. 3).

Passing for a few moments to the Jewish (apocryphal literature of the age preceding the ybirth of Jesus, we observe that according to the Book of Enoch the demons are lost angels. They assail men's bodies, cause convulsions, and in other ways vex and oppress mankind (ch.

15) ; and this war of the demons on men will continue until the day of consummation — the great judgment (16), when they will receive dire chastisement, t In 19' we learn that evil spirits in various shapes shall corrupt men, and leaxi them astray to sacrifice to demons as if to gods until the great judgment day. In 53' we read of the iron chains prepared for the angelic hosts who are hurled down into the abyss of condemnation (cf. 2 P 2*, Rev 20-'- »).

In the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (test. Reuben) we are informed that there are seven evil spirits sent out from Beliar against mankind, viz. those of life, seeing, hearing, smell, talking, taste, and the proereative impulses. Another group of ■even is mentioned, viz. of fornication, gluttony, combativeness, flattery, pride, falsehood, injustice. C. TlIK Dkmonolouy ofthk Nkw Testamknt.

— This is in all its broad characteristics the demon- ology of the contemporary Judaism stripped of its cruder and exaggerated features. Evil demons or unclean demons, SaifjUtvta (D"ip), wevfiaTa dKidapra or ^ovr)pi (]V'; I'lj"), hover about the world, and these are umler subicctlon to Satan {ipxuy rwy Satfioyluv), • ReBpectinp Solomon (u a nucleus of lat«r lepend, see SUde, Grtch. p. 3lrt)ff., and the Arabic story of Bilkis (given in the rhr<, 8tomathy of Socin's Arabic Grnmmar).

t Conyheare, in quotini; this, appositely cites the cry of the demons to jMua, ' Art thou come hither to tomifnt us hfjort our tijneV 1 desire hero to express my ohligations to this WTiter. whose Interesting articles on the ' Denionolojo* of the New Testament' (J<^H. July and October I8i)0) contain much valuable information. Thfv are octaisionally marked, however, by a certain tendency to acrentuato unduly some of the details of the NT narrative.

Note, for example, his renderin); of irivirf as 'fell iHxlily' in Ac 10**, whereas it has no more physical significance than in Eurip. Androm. 1Q42. r«/ fju,^ vol.. I. — 3S Mt 9" 12", Mk 3", Lk 11". The demon was said to enter (e/a^px"'^'") into a man somewhat as though it were a physical entity, and similarly was said to pass out Ui^pxecOai), or was forcibly expelled by some superior power who had authority to cast out (^K^dWeif) demons. The demons may pass into other animals, e.y.

into the Gadarcne swine. A man possessed with a devil was said to have or hold a demon (fx" Sai/jUivioy), or to be a demoniac (ooi^oi-tf^/ifxo!, cf. the Arabic mcjnim, said of a man possessed by a Jinn, Doughty, i. p. 259). Mt (4-^ 17") also employs the verb <re\-iti>tif«x6at, ' to be a lunatic,' as though it expressed something distinct from Saifioyl^eaOcu (4").

In Mk 1^ 5» the phrase used is (tivdpuTroi) iv TrveO/iaTt dKaddprtf, where the preposition iy means ' in the power or under the influence of ; cf. Winer, § xlviii. (Eng. ed. p. 483a). Luke also uses ^coxXeiffflat of demon possession (6'"). The manifestations of demoniac possession are very varied in NT. In the case of the Gadarene he IS compelled to dwell amon^ the tombs, whicli are associated with solitude and uncleanness.

As water is connected with purity and cleansing, the demons have a preference for waterless spots. Demons are, however, chiefly associated with abnormal forms of human life, especially disease. Dumbness (Lk 9**, Mk 9"), deafness and dumbness (Mk 9^), blindness and deafness combined (Mt 12^), and epilepsy (Mk l-« 9-'°, Lk 9^), are the mani festations of demoniac influence. Of all the synoptic evangelists, Luke is the most power- fully impressed with this conception.

Even high fever is attributed to demoniac agency, as we can clearly infer from the fact that, in the case of Peter's mother-in-law, Jesus stood over her and rebuked the fever which possessed her (Lk 4"'-^", cf. 13'"). It is to be noted, however, that in this Gospel a saying of our Lord is reported which expressly distinguishes between ordinary cures and expulsion of demons, ^A;/3dXXw Sai/j-ityia Kal Idffsis dTTOTcXui (Lk 13'-). The demons, moreover, were able to speak, and exerci.'

ied mastery over the vocal organs of the human subject. Thus in one case, as the demon came forth, it cried with a loud voice ( Mk 1""). It was possible for many demons to possess a human being at the same time. Seven demons were cast out froniMaryMagdalenebyJesus(Lk8-), while the Gadarene demoniac was possessed by a legion. As regards the method of procedure adopted by Jesus, we observe the stress which is laid upon His own personality.

The power which He wielded in His person is- placed in direct oiipositiou to the kingdom of moral and physical anarchy. Faith was necessary in order tliat the exorcist should accomplish his task (Mt l"'-'"), and this was aided by prayer (Mk 9'-). Faith was sometimes required on the part of near relatives, as in the case of the father of the epileptic patient (Mk 9'''', ^), in order that the cure might be efl'ected. In the.

se circiim- stances Jesus relied upon a simple direct command addressed to the demon, ' Thou dumb and deaf spirit, I charge thee come out of him ' (Mk 9^), or 'be nmzzled and depart' (Mk 1^). 'He cast out spirits with a word, and healcil all who were sick.' He Himself declared that He did this by the linger or spirit of God (l.k 11", Mt 12"). There was no use of magic formuhc. In the case of the woman who had been bound by Satan for eighteen years. He merely laid His hand upon her (Lk 13'').

In Mt 12-'' He appears to place His own expulsions of demons on a footing of equality witli those ' ; out her ere it is im- worked by Jewish exorcists; possible to deny that there is irony latent in the question, ' By whom do your sons east them out !' It is a., ked by way of argument rather than direct statement, and is intended to apply to tlic special belief and standpoint held by His Jewisli opponents. This power of delivering men from unclean 594 DEMON.

DEVIL DENY Bnirit3 Jesus bequeathed to His disciples (Mt 10'). They effected tlieir cures simply by naming the name of Jesus (Mk 16", Ac 3"). Tliis belief in the powerful efficacy of the name comes from a hoary Semitic past (see Sayce's Hihbert Lcct. pp. 302-307). It should be remembered that name meant to an ancient Semite personal power and existence, and hence involved to those who invoked the name of Jesus belief in the actual presence and might of tlie divine Saviour of mankind.

Before passing from the subject of the Gospel narratives in tlieir relation to demonology, it should not be forgotten (1) that we are dealing with the reports of chroniclers whose minds were necessarily coloured by the prevailing beliefs of the age, psychic and cosmic; (2) that the properly demoniac element is almost wholly absent from the Fourth Gospel. In S'" 10™ the language employed by the Jews is quoted, while in 6'" Judas is called Jid;3oXot and not 5ai^6>'io>'. St.

Paul, however, sliared the conceptions of his contemporaries respecting devils. Several passages may be cited in illustration. In the first place, the much ditiputed passage I Co 10''- ^ points, in our opinion, to the conclusion adopted by Baudissin, and more recently by Everling {Die Paulinische Anqclologie u. Ddmonologie, p. 27 ff.), that St. Paul had borrowed from Alexandrian Judaism the belief that the offerings to heathen deities were offerings to demons (cf.

above the demonology of the Bk. of Enoch and the Sibylline books). In 1 Co 10*" Paul argues, ' But I say, that the things which the Gentiles sacrifice, they sacrifice to devils, and not to God : and I would not that ye should have communion with devils. Ye cannot drink the cup of the Lord and the cup of devils.' He is pleading that it is not permissihle to partake of the heathen sacrificial offerings. He quotes the two examples of the Christian Lord's Supper and the Jewish sacrifice.

In both cases there is a real com- munion between the participator and the object of worship. The statement in 8* 'We know that no idol is anything in the world,' does not involve any inconsistency. For St.

Paul the gods as such are creatures of the imagination ; yet he does not hold that nothing at all exists behind the image- worship of the heathen, but that demons lurk there and the kingdom of Satan, and that partici- pators in heathen feasts are drawn into the circle of their evil influence (so Holsten).* Moreover, Everling (i6. p. 33 ff.)

has shown with considerable probability tnat the reference in the obscure phrase 1 Co 11" 'for this cause ouglit the woman to have power over her head on account of the angels ' is to be found in the legend of the inter- course of the fallen angels with the daugliters of men. Book of Enoch (ch. 6) and other citations from the Book of Jubilees, Apocalypse of Baruch 50" in Charles' ed., and the Testaments of tlie Twelve Patriarchs (test.

Reuben 5), show the im- portant place held by this tradition in the litera- ture that preceded the time of St. Paul. It would lie beyond the scope of this article to tiace the development of demonology in post- apostolic Christian writers. The elaborate demon- ology of Origen is portrayed in Conybeare's inter- esting article {JQR, Oct. 1890), to which the reader is referred.

The enormous range of this belief in all its varieties, and the extent to which it pene- trated into [lopular belief and practice from the hoarj antiquity of Babylonian and Egj-ptian magic down to the time of the Reformation and beyond, is a fact of which this modern age of • The opposite view is taken by Beyschlac in his rropramrae, ' Did the Apoatk' Paul regard the gods of the neathen osuemonB?' and he is followed by MareuB Doda {Expositor, March 1895, p. 237(1.)

But on the subject of Demonolopj' in the NT, and the belief of Jesus in a personal devil, Bi-yschlag is an unsafe l^ide, as 1 shall attempt to show in my article Satan. scientific discovery is but dimly conscious. Readers of Xioxighty'e Arabia De.serta, however, soon become aware how fervently the modem Arab of the desert believes in the Jdn (see especially vol. ii. p. 188 ff.) Monumental eWdence presents a vast array of examples.

A consideraole mass of Aramaic in- scriptions could be cited, if space permitted, con- sistin" of nothing else than conjurations, charms, or spells. See, for example, the transcription and translation by Jos. Wolilstein, in Zeitschr. fur Assyriologie, AprU 1894, of Aramaic inscriptions on clay vessels preserved in the Royal Museum at Berlin, No. 2416 (consisting of nearly 100 lines); also in Dec. 1893, No. 2422 (of 44 lines). See also the interesting Greek form in Deissmann, Bibel- studien, p.

20 tf., and cf. art. EXORCISM. Respect- ing modem examples of demoniacal possession and exorcism it is dilficult to speak ^vlth certainty, though some examples appear well authenticated. One of the most striking is to be found in the account given by the missionary Waldmeier of hia ten years' labour in Abyssinia, Autobiography of Thomas Waldmeier, pp. 64-66.

'Though the shadows of such beliefs have been slowly passmg away from Western Europe, the gloom still invests a large portion of the world, and fills the hearts of many millions of our fellow-men with anguish and terror. Like our first parents, we behold ' all the eastern side With dreadful faces thronged and fiery arms." Owen C. Whitehodse. DEMOPHON {Arino(pu>y, 2 Mac 12-), a Syrian com- mandant in Palestine under Antiochus Eupator.

According to tlie author of 2 Mac, after terms of Eeace had been agreed upon for the first time etween Judas Maccabceus and Lysias (see Absa- lom IN Apocr.), some of the provincial com- mandants, and Demophon among them, continued to act in a hostile manner towards the Jews. H. A. White. DEN (3^x the lurking-place of wild beasts, Job 37' ; n-ij,'3 a cave where robbers hide, Jer 7" ; ■■".?}? in Jg 6^* IS perhaps [but see Moore, ad loc] a deep valley or water-course. In NT <rir7)Xaioc).

— The lions den into which Daniel was cast (Dn 6' etc.) was doubtless that in which the king's lions were kept, in accordance with a custom known to prevail at Oriental courts. Layard {Nin. and Bab.) shows tliat these beasts were used for purposes of sport by the kings of Assyria. A royal lion hunt is depicted in a bas-relief of the palace of Assur na^ir-pal (B.C. 885-860) discovered at Nimroud. now in the British Museum.

A seal of Darius has also been found, on which the king is represented in the act of shooting an arrow at a lion rampant. G. Walker.