Diaspora (Hastings' Dictionary)

Introduction. i Extent of the Diaspora: in (1) the Euphrates districts ; © Syria; (8) Arabia; (4) Asia Minor; (5) Egypt; (6) yrenaica ; (7) North Africa ; (8) Macedonia and Greece ; (9) Rome; (10) the rest of Italy, and Spain, Gaul, Ger- many. i, Organization of the communities: certain features com- mon to them everywhere; differences as to (1) the name of the community, (2) the officials. Constitution of the Jewish communities akin to that of the Greek communes.

fil, Toleration and recognition by the State anthorities. Three forms of political existence: (1) as a colony of foreigners (xeroixic) ; as private societies or ‘unions’; (3) as more or less independent corpora- tions alongside the communal bodies. Toleration of the Jewish cultus a main essential. Right of adminis- tering their own funds, and jurisdiction over their own members. The question of military service. The cult of the Emperor; advantage of the Jews in this matter over the Christians.

Varying attitude of different Emperors towards the Jews. fv. Rights of citizenship, and social standing. ereceme possessed by the Jews especially in recently founde cities like Alexandria and Antioch, or in those whose constitution had been reorganized like the cities of Western Asia Minor. In such instances the Jews formed a qgvay by themselves. Many Jews enjoyed even Roman citizenship. Social standing of the Jews, The offices of alabarch and ‘head physician.’ v.

Religious and intellectual life. Danger of syncretism and coals indifference. The Synagogue a safe- The Greek language used in the Synagogue DIASPORA 91 services. The temple at Leontopolis. Payment of dues to the temple at Jerusalem. Pilgrimages to the festivals. Greek influences, Pmdagogic part played by the Diaspora in relation to Christianity. Literature.

Amongst the causes that contributed to the rapid spread of Christianity during the Apostolic and post-Apostolic periods, one of the most important was the circumstance that Judaism was already dispersed as a powerful force throughout the whole extent of the Roman Empire, nay even beyond it. Everywhere the preachers of the gospel found Jewish communities, which furnished them with the starting-point for their proclamation of the advent of the Messiah.

And, even if their success was not very marked within the pale of the com- munities themselves, it must be assumed to have been all the greater in the circles of ‘ God-fearing’ Gentiles, who in many places had attached them- selves as an appendage to the community of Jews. Through these circles being won over by the Jewish propaganda to a worship that was mono- theistic and determined by ethical interests, the soil was loosened for the seed of the gospel to be scattered on it.

The enormous extent of the Jewish Diaspora in comparison with the petty mother country presents an enigma to historical inquiry which it is unable to solve with certainty. In any case, various factors must have co-operated to bring about the result in Naat In the time of the Assyrians and the haldzeans forcible deportations to the Euphrates districts took place, and a process of the same kind was repeated even in the Persian period, under Artaxerxes Ochus.

At the beginning of the Greek period the rulers sought, in the interests of the consolidation of their dominions, to effect the greatest possible intermixture of populations, and with a view to this they incited and favoured general migrations, by guaranteeing certain privi- leges and by other means. Pressure from above and the prospect of gain, in particular the interests of trade, combined to produce an ebbing and flow- ing of the peoples scattered over the wide dominions of the Diadochi.

It is to this period that we ought presumably to assign a large proportion of those Jewish migrations, whose occurrence we can only infer from their results in the Roman period. But all this is hardly sufficient to account Pilly for the fact before us. Is it possible that the small com- munity, which under Ezra and Nehemiah organ- ized itself around Jerusalem, and which even about the year B.C.

200 had not spread beyond the terri- tory of Judea (in the narrower sense), should have produced merely by natural increase the many thousands, nay millions, who at the latest in the Ist cent. A.D. are found scattered over the whole world? This is highly improbable.

We are thus compelled to suppose that it was not only to migration and natural reproduction, but also to numerous conversions during the Greek period, that Judaism owed its wide diffusion over the whole world, and the great number of adherents whose existence we can prove in general with complete certainty, although we cannot give the actual figures, In the present article we shall describe (1) the extent of the dispersion of the Jews; (2) the organization of the communities ; (3) the measure in which they enjoyed toleration and recognition by the State ; (4) the share of the Jews in citizen- ship; (5) their religious and intellectual life in general.

i, EXTENT OF THE DIASPORA.—We have general testimony to the wide dispersion of the Jewish people, commencing with the middle of the 2nd cent. B.C. In the Third Book of the Sibylline Oracles, composed probably about B.C. 140, it is said that ‘every land and every sea is filled with 92 DIASPORA DIASPORA them’ (Orac. Sibyll. iii. 271, mwaoa 52 yaia oébev w\ipys kal mica Odhacoa).

In the time of Sulla we are told by Strabo that the Jewish people had already ‘come into every city; and one cannot readily find any place in the world which has not received this tribe and been taken possession of by it’ (ap. Jos. Ant. XIV. vil. 2). According to Josephus, there is ‘no people in the world with- out a fragment of us’ (BJ I. xvi. 4 [Niese, § 398]: od yap éoru él ris olkoumévns S7juos 6 wh motpay tuetépay éxwv).

The fullest details are found in the survey given by Philo in the letter of Agrippa to Caligula (Legatio ad Gaium, § 36 [ed. Mangey, ii. 587]): ‘Jerusalem is the metropolis not only of Juda, but of most countries.

This is owing to the colonies which on suitable occasions she has sent to the neighbouring lands of Egypt, Phe- nicia, Syria, Cele-Syria; to the remoter Pam- hylia, Cilicia, most parts of Asia, as far as ithynia; and to the farthest corners of Pontus, as well as to Europe, Thessaly, Bootia, Mace- donia, Aetolia, Attica, Argos, Corinth, to the most and the fairest parts of the Peloponnesus.

And not only is the mainland covered with Jewish settlements, but also the principal islands: Eubeea, Cyprus, Crete. Ileave unnamed the lands beyond the Euphrates, for, with the exception of a small portion, all this district, including Babylon and the satrapies that embrace the fertile territory lying around, has Jewish inhabitants.’ We are not able to test the correctness of this testimony in every detail.

But the more our knowledge is enlarged by new discoveries, the more do we find the accu- racy of the above description established. Coming now to particulars, the following are the most im- portant testimonies :— 1. THE EUPHRATES DISTRICTS.—The earliest Diaspora of the Jews is that found in these regions (Assyria, Media, Babylonia). Large masses were deported by the Assyrians from the kingdom of the Ten Tribes, and by the Chaldzans from the kingdom of Judah.

The Assyrians settled those whom they had carried away ‘in Halah and in Habor by the river of Gozan, and in the cities of the Medes’ (2 K 178 184), z.e. in the northern part of the region watered by the Euphrates, to the west of Nineveh (see the articles on the various localities just named). The Chaldeans brought their captives to the region of Babylon.

It is true that large companies of the Judahites and Benjamites who had been carried to Babylon, afterwards returned to their native land and founded a new community there. But there was no such thing as a complete return of the Baby- lonian exiles. Still less was this the case with the members of the Ten Tribes deported by the Assyrians. Practically, the whole of these re- mained in foreign parts.

This is not only implied in the biblical narrative, which knows nothing of a return on their part, but is expressly testified to by later writers (Jos. Ant. XI. v.2: al dé déa puAal mépav elolw Hidpdrov &ws detpo, pwupiddes Amerpou cat apiOug yrwoOjvac uh Suvduevac; cf. 4 Ezr 13°47; Origen, Epist. ad Africanum, § 14; Commodian, Carmen Apologet. 936-939). As late as the time of R. ‘Akiba, the Rabbis continued to dispute whether the Ten Tribes would ever return or not (Mishna, Sanhedrin, x. 3 jin.

; tradition vacillates regarding the authorities who supported the dif- ary [see Bacher, Die Agada der Tannatten, i. 143 f.)) A fresh deportation was carried out by Arta- xerxes Ochus, who about the year B.C. 350 trans- ported Jewish prisoners to Hyrcania(Euseb.Chron., ed. Schoene, ii. 112, ad ann. Abr. 1657; Orosius, iii. 7), probably because they had taken part in the revolt of the Pheenicians against the Persian sway.

All these Israelites who lived in the Euphrates districts maintained communication with the mother country, and, as the centuries ran their course, took their share in its religious develop- ment. Instead of being absorbed by the sui- rounding heathenism (as one would naturally have expected), they rather advanced in the diree- tion of proper, strict, legal Judaism.

And to such an extent did their numbers increase that in the Roman period they were counted by millions ; and thus, even from a political point of view, constituted a power with which the Romans had to reckon, seeing that their settlements lay on the border of [down to the time of Trajan chiefly outside] the sphere of Roman authority. P. Petronius, the legate of Syria, considered it dangerous in the year A.D.

40 to provoke them to a hostile disposition towards Rome (Philo, Legatio ad CGaium, § 31 [ed. Mangey, ii. 578]). Trajan in his advance against the Parthians was exposed to areal danger by the revolt of the Mesopotamian Jews which threatened his rear. It is not prob- able that these millions (uupiddes &iretpor) of Jewish inhabitants were simply descendants of the former exiles. We must rather think of a successful propaganda among the surrounding heathen.

This Calamari too, must have been directed from udzea, for the population of which we are speak- ing was Jewish in the sense of Pharisaism, as is evident from the forms of activity displayed by its religious life (pilgrimages to the feasts, fern of dues to the temple, ete.; see, on this, below).

The main stock, however, was certainly composed of the ancient exiles, for in the Roman period we find the Jewish population most thickly settled in the very spots to which the Assyrians and the Chaldzans once transported their prisoners. Josephus names, as their two gers cities, Nehardea (Néepda, Ndapda) and Nisibis (Ant. XVIII. ix. 1 and 9 fin.)

The former of these was in Babylonia; the latter on the Mygdonius, a tribu- tary of the Chaboras (Habor), in the centre of the localities named in 2K 17°18". Around Nehardea were thus grouped the descendants of the tribes of Judah and Benjamin; around Nisibis, the de- scendants of the Ten Tribes.

It may be further mentioned that, in the time of Tiberius, two brothers, Asinzus and Anilzus, founded in the neighbourhood of Nehardea a robber State, which, owing to the weakness of the Par- thian monarchy, maintained its existence for several decades (Jos. Ant, XVIII. ix.)

,—In the time of Claudius the royal house of Adiabene (Izates, his mother Helena, and his brother Mono- bazus) adopted the Jewish faith, and proved its attachment by keeping up intimate relations with Jerusalem, by establishing various foundations there, and by taking part with the Jews in their great war with the Romans under Nero and Ves- pasian (Jos, Ant. XX. ii.-iv. ; BJ I. xix. 2, IV. ix. 11, V. ii. 2, iii. 3, iv. 2, vi. 1, VI. vi. 3, 4). 2. SYRIA.

—This is characterized by Josephus as the country which, on account of its proximit to Palestine, had the largest percentage of Jewis inhabitants, these being specially numerous in the capital, Antioch (BJ VIII. ili. 3: 7d yap “lovdalwe yévos TOAD perv KaTa Tacay Thy olKoupévyv wapécTrapras rots émtxwplos, wAetorov Se Ty Lupla Kara rhv yer- vlacw dvapemypevovy éEatpétws emi THs “Avtioxetag fv mond da 7d THs worews péyeGos).

At Antioch the Jews enjoyed the rights of citizenship, they had a splendid synagogue, and carried on a zealous and successful propaganda among the heathen popula- tion (Jos, dc.) It is true that by all this they drew upon themselves the hatred of the pagan inhabitants. Regarding the state of things in most of the other towns of Syria we know nothing very definite.

But Philo states that there are eT ke ee gh en ey ee ok DIASPOhA DIASPORA 93 * great numbers of Jews in every city of Asia and Syria’ (Legatio ad Gaiwm, § 33 [ed. Mangey, ii. 682]: "lovdaior cad’ éExdorny ridw elol raumdyOels Actas re kal Zupias). For Damascus exact figures are iven by Josephus, who, however, contradicts Eicasclf on this point. In one passage he states that, at the outbreak of the great war in the ear A.D, 66, there were 10,500 [so Niese’s text of J i. xx.

2; according to another reading, 10,000] Jews massacred at Damascus. In another passage (BJ Vil. viii. 7 [Niese, § 368]) he gives, instead of this number, ‘18,000, with women and children.’ According to the first cited passage (BJ Il. xx. 2), the women of Damascus were almost all devoted to the Jewish religion (rds yuvatkas admdoas mAh bor brnyuévas TH Lovdarky OpycKela). 3. SOUTH ARABIA.

— At what date Judaism reached this quarter is unknown, but it was strongly diffused there from the 4th cent. A.D. at the latest. When, under Constantius, attempts were made to extend Christianity in that quarter, these had to contend with Jewish opposition (Philostorgius, iii. iv.) At the beginning of the 6th gent. a Jewish king reigned there. Owing to his persecution of the Christians, he was dethroned by the Christian king of Abyssinia (see Fell, ‘ Die Christenverfolgung in Siidarabien,’ etc.

, in ZDMG xxxv. [1881] 1-74. Against Halévy, who argued that the king in question was not a Jew but an Arian, see Duchesne in REJ xx. [1890] 220-224). 4, ASIA M1noR.—Here we have nunierous testi- monies, and are able to demonstrate the presence of Jews in almost every quarter. They were most thickly settled in Phrygia and Lydia, and we know further how they came there.

Antiochus the Great transplanted two thousand Jewish families from Mesopotamia and Babylonia to Lydia and Phrygia, because he considered them more loyal subjects than the Lydians and Phry- gians, who were inclined to revolt (Jos. Ant. XII. lili. 4).

While these Babylonian Jews peopled the inland provinces of Asia Minor, others were Aieraotea by trade interests to the towns on the coast, An indirect evidence of the early appear- ance of the Jews in Asia Minor may be discovered also in 1 Mae 15%, According to this passage, the Romans in the year B.c. 139 simultaneously despatched to a number of kings a letter in identical terms, charging them to refrain from showing any hostility towards the Jews.

From this it may be inferred that Jews were already to be found in all the places there named. Of States and cities in Asia Minor the following are men- tioned: the kingdoms of Pergamum and Cappa- docia ; the district of Caria, with the cities of Myndos, Halicarnassus, and Cnidos; Pamphylia, with the city of Side; Lycia, with the city of Phaselis ; and, finally, Sampsame, #.e. the Samsun of later Arab geographers, or Amisus in Pontus, to the east of Sinope.

These various districts and cities were in the year B.C. 139 politically inde- pendent, and are therefore named separately beside the great kingdoms of Pergamum and Cappadocia. As showing the great numbers and the pros- perity of the Jews of Asia Minor about the middle of the Ist cent. B.c., we have, on the one hand, the numerous acts in their favour during the closing years (B.C. 50-40) of the Roman Republic (collected by Josephus in Ant. XIV. x.)

; and, on the other hand, the remarkable passage in Cicero, pro Flacco, 28, in which he gives precise details as to the circumstances under which quantities of Jewish money, intended to be sent from Asia Minor to Jerusalem, were confiscated by the governor Flaccus (B.C. 62-61). The whole passage reads thus: ‘Quum aurum Judeorum nomine eae ex Italia et ex omnibus provinciis lyma exportari soleret, Flaccus sanxit edicto ne ex Asia exportari liceret. . Ubi ergo crimen est?

quoniam quidem furtum nusquam reprehendis, edictum probas, judicatum fateris, quesitum et prolatum palam non negas, actum esse per viros primarios res ipsa declarat: Apamee manifesto deprehensum, ante pedes pretoris in foro expensum esse auri pondo centum paulle minus per Sex. Cesium, equitem Romanum, castis- simum hominem atque integerrimum ; Laodicee viginti pondo paullo amplius per hune L. Pedu- ceum, judicem nostrum; Adramyttii per Cn. Domitium, legatum ; Pergami non multum.

’ If we add to these general testimonies other special ones, particularly those of the inscriptions, we obtain for the Jews in Asia Minor the following data (commencing with the N. W.) :— a. Adramyttium and Pergamum: the above testimony of Cicero. b. Phokca: an inscription (REJ xii. [1886] 236- 242 = Bulletin de corresp. hellén. x. [1886] 327-335) : Tdriov Xrpdrwvos rod ‘Hywédwvos tov olkov Kal rov mepiBorov rod vbmralOpov KaracKkevdcaca ex TO[y ld]lwy éxaploaro rots ’Io}udalos.

“H cwaywyh é[relunloev ror *Tovdalwy Tdrvov 2[rpdr]wvos rod ’Evmédwvos xpuow ore- gavm kal mpoedpla. c. Magnesia on Mt. Sipylus: a Jewish tomb- inscription (REJ x. [1885] 76). d. Smyrna: an inscription from the time of Hadrian, with a list of those who had made pres- ents to the city, among them ol roré Iovéato (CIE 3148). The Jews played a Poe part in con- nexion with the death of Polycarp (Martyr. Polyc. 12-13, 17-18; Vita Polycarpi auctore Pionio, ed. Duchesne, 1881; cf.

also Reinach, REJ xi. 235- 238). There is, further, this inscription from the 3rd cent. A.D. (REJ vii. [1883] 161-166) : ‘Poupetva ‘Tovdaia dpxiouvd-yuryos Karecxevacey 7d évodpioy Tois dmehevbépors Kat Opéuacw pndevds drov eEovclay éxovros Oawar rwd, el 5é Tis Toruhoe, Swoe TY lepwrdty Tapely Snvdpia ‘ad cal r@ €Over rev "lovdalwy dyvdpia ‘a. Tadtrys rijs érvypapis rd avrl-ypagoy aroxetra els Td dpxetov. e. Sardis: three official documents quoted by Josephus—1. A despatch of L.

Antonius to the authorities of Sardis (B.C. 50, 49), permitting the Jews to refer their disputes for decision to their own tribunals, even when they are Roman citizens (Ant. XIV. x. 17). 2. A popular resolution of the city of Sardis, guaranteeing to the Jews the un- disturbed exercise of their religion (Ant. XIV. x. 24). 8. A despatch of C. Norbanus Flaccus, from the time of Augustus, to the authorities of Sardis, reminding them afresh of the religious freedom of the Jews (Ant. XVI. vi. 6). f.

Hypaepa, to the south of Sardis: an inscrip- tion of c. 200 A.D., containing only the two wor Tovialwy vewrépwv (RES x. 74£.) g. Ephesus: the granting of the city franchise to the Jews, probably as early as the reorganizing of the city constitution by Antiochus 11. Theos (B.C. 261-246). Numerous official documents are quoted by Josephus, particularly those dating from the years B.C.

49-42, according to which the Jews living in Ephesus were exempted from military service even when they possessed the Roman citizenship (Ané. XIV. x. 11-13, 16, 19, 25. During the years named the Roman citizens in Asia Minor were called out for military service). Under Augustus the authorities of Ephesus were re- peatedly reminded that the Jews were not to be interfered with in sending the sacred money to Jerusalem (Philo, Legatio ad Gaium, § 40; Jos. Ant. XVI. vi. 4,7).

Their synagogue is mentioned in Ac 18! 198, In a late tomb-inscription we meet with a Jewish dpxlarpos (Ancient Greek In- scriptions in the British Museum, iii. 2, No. 677). The ‘head physicians’ were appointed by the city, and enj ayer immunity from all burdens, 94 DIASPORA DIASPORA h. Tralles: incidental mention in a despatch from the Laodiceans (Jos. Ant. XIV. x. 20). i. Caria; see, in general, 1 Mac 15”, and cf. also the above remarks.

j- Miletus: a despatch of the proconsul to the city authorities, bearing on the religious freedom of the Jews (Ant. XIV. x. 21). k. Jasus, to the south of Miletus: an inscrip- tion from the middle of the 2nd cent. B.C., accord- ing to which one Nuxijras Idcovos Iepocoduulrns gave a money contribution in ote of the festival of the Dionysia (Le Bas et Waddington, Jnser. iii. No. 294=REJ x. 76).

It is not impossible that Jason, the father of this Niketas, is to be identified with the high priest of this name who lived in the Maccabzean period. Support of heathen festivals by Jews was not unknown at that time even in Palestine. 1. Myndos: a tomb-inscription from the begin- ing of the Byzantine period (REJ xlii. 1-4). m. Halicarnassus: a popular resolution regard- ing the religious freedom of the Jews (Jos. Ant. XIV. x. 23). n. Phrygia: see Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, vol.

i. pt. ii. (1897) pp. 667-676. 0. Laodicea: see Cicero, pro Flacco, 28; also a despatch of the authorities to the proconsul C. Rabirius, in which they disclaim any intention of interfering with the religious freedom of the Jews (Ant. XIv. x. 20). Hierapolis: three Jewish inscriptions pub- listed in Jahrbuch des deutschen archiol. Instituts, ivth Erginzungsheft (= Alterthiimer von Hiera- olis, herausg. von Humann, Cichorius, Judeich, inter), 1898.

Wegiveextracts, showing the most important points—1. No. 69 a tomb-inscription, closing with the threat of a penalty: el 5é yj, dmo- reloet TG AAG Tov (sic) lovdallw]y mpoore[l]uov dr[duJare Snvdpia xeltua. 2 No, 212 a tomb-inseription end- ing thus: el d¢ ér repos kndetoet, Séoe TH KaTorKle tov év ‘Tepamréder xatotxovvtwy "lovdalwy mpooreluou (Synvdpia) (.) kal r@ éxfynrjcavte (Snvdpia) (duoxlAra). dvriypapov daeréOn év rp dpxly T&v Iovdalwy. 3. No.

342 (=Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, i, 545) tomb-inscription of a certain Publius A/lius Glykon, who bequeathed to the managing body of the guild of purple-dyers (r7 ceuvordry mpoedpla Trav moppupaBadwy) a capital fund, the interest of which was to be applied yearly, év 79 €opr@ Gv dfvuwr, to the decorating of his tomb. He bequeathed like- wise to the directorate of another guild (7@ cuvedpip Tév KatpodamiTGv) a sum to be applied to the same purpose, év rq éopry mevtynxolorijs].

The whole of the members of these guilds must, accordingly, have been, if not exactly Jews, at least well dis- posed to Judaism (cf. Ramsay, Eapositor of Feb. 1902, pp. 98-100). q. Apamea: Cicero, pro Flacco, 28 (see above) ; also a tomb-inscription (ap. Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, i. 538) ending thus: el dé rts émitndetot, Tov vouov oldev Tav Hiovdéwy.

The ‘law of the Jews’ cannot here be the Mosaic law, but a legal ordinance, recognized by the State, imposing a penalty on any harm done to Jewish tombs. The strength of Jewish influence at Apamea can be gauged from the circumstance that at the be- inning of the 3rd cent. A.D. coins were struck 3 the city authorities (!) having upon them figures of Noah and his wife descending from the ark, and bearing the legend NQE (fullest description of these coins in Madden, Numismatic Chronicle, 1866, pp.

173-219, pl. vi.; ef. also the Catalogue of the Collection Waddington in the Revue Nwmisma- tigue, 1898, p. 397 f., Nos. 5728, 5730, 5731). aes thus claimed to be the spot where Noah’s ark was stranded. This claim, which is known also from other sources, is connected in some way with the name of the city, “Awdyea KiSwréds, for xiBwrés is the biblical term for the ark of Noah. It may have been just this appellation of the cit that led to the localizing af the Noah-legend.

That this localizing is to be traced to Jewish in- fluence, has been shown especially by Babelon (‘La tradition phrygienne du déluge’ in Revue de Vhistoire des religions, xxiii. [1891] 174-183). Not only the Noah- but also the Enoch-legend reached Phrygia by means of the Jews; for the Phrygian *Avvaxés or Ndvvaxos, who lived over 300 years, and after whose death the great Flood came, is certainly no other than the biblical Enoch (he is called "Avvaxés by Stephanus Byzant. s.v.

Ixéviov; but Ndvvaxos by Zenobius, Proverb. vi. 10, and Suidas, Lex. s.v. Ndvvaxos). r. Akmonia: an inscription in honour of a num- ber of synagogue officials who had restored ‘the synagogue built by Julia Severa’ (rdv xarackev- acdévra olxov bird ’IovAlas Leovipas .. éwecxevacar, see Ramsay, Revue des études anciennes, iii. [1901] 272 [an earlier copy in Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, i. 649f.])

It closes thus: oterwas xal 7 owaryuryh érelunoev Str emixptow oud Te Thy évdperov airav [Bl]wow kal rhy mpds Thy cuvaywyhpy etvordy Te Kar orovdjv. This inscription shows us to what influ- ence Judaism had attained in the highest circles of society ; for the Julia Severa who is named as the builder of the synagogue is known to us from coins and inscriptions (Ramsay, Cities and Bishop- rics of Phrygia, i.

637, 647) as a noble lady of Akmonia in the time of Nero (Prosopographia imperit Romani, iii. 224f., s.v. ‘Servenius’; also coins in the Collection Waddington, Revue Numis- matique, 1898, p. 384, Nos. 5488, 5490, 5494). Since she was at the same time high priestess of the cult of the Emperor, she cannot indeed have been a Jewess. h of Pisid pa 8. Antioch of Pisidia: a Jewish synagogue men- tioned in Ac 1344, oboe t.

Lycia and the city of Phaselis: see 1 Mac 15, with the above remarks on that passage. u. Korykos in Lycia: a tomb-inscription of late | _ date (REJ x. 76). y. Zlos in yes a tomb-inscription from some- where about the end of the Ist cent. A.D. (Hranos Vindobonensis, 1893, pp. 99-102).

According to it, the jpgov (sepulchral monument) was erected by a certain Ptolemzeus for himself and his son Ptole- meus dep dpxovrelas reAouuévas wap *peiv Tovdalois, ore abrd elvar rdvrwv Tov “Tovdalwy Kal undéva ekdv elvat Erepov TeOjvarev atta. édv dé rts edpeOeln Tivd TLOGY bperrécer TAwéwr 7 O7juw [the conclusion is wanting]. w. Pamphylia and the city of Side: see 1 Mac 15% and the general testimony of Philo (see above, p. 922), also Ac 22, x. Cilicia: see likewise Philo, l.c.

Since, accord- ing to Ac 6°, Cilician Jews lived in Jerusalem in somewhat large numbers, the Diaspora in Cilicia must have been very considerable. Tarsus, the capital of Cilicia, was, as is well known, the birth- place of the Apostle Paul (Ac 9” 2139 293), One Iovdas wos Iooy Tapoevs is mentioned on a tomb- inscription of Jope (Euting, Sitzwngsberichte der Berliner Akademie, 1885, p. 686). In the 4th cent. A.D.

the Jewish patriarch caused the dues to be collected ‘in every city of Cilicia’ from the resident Jews (Epiphanius, Her, xxx. 11: ad éxdorys médews THS KiAtkelas 7a éxidéxara Kal ras darapyds mapa rav év TH érapyla "lovdatwy elcérparrer). y. Korykos in Cilicia: a Jewish sarcophagus with inscription (Denkschriften der Wiener Akad- emie, Phil.-Hist. Classe, Bd. xliv. [1896] p. 68). z. Iconium in Lycaonia: a Jewish synagogue mentioned in Ac 14'; on inscriptions there, ef. art. GALATIA in vol. ii.

p. 88°. aa. Galatia: testimonies here very scanty, for there are none in Jos, Ant. XVI. vi 8 Ghe closing remark that the edict of Augustus in favour of the DIASPORA Jews was to be set up at Ancyra is based upon a false reading; the MSS have apyupy). A tomb- inscription from Galatia will be found in Bulletin de corresp. hellén. vii. 24 (=REJ x. 177). The in- scription CJG 4129 was found in the neighbour- hood of Doryleum, not therefore in Galatia. Cf., in general, art. GALATIA in vol. ii. p.

85”. bb. Cappadocia: 1 Mac 15” (despatch from the Romans to king Ariarathes) is sufficient to justify the assumption that Jews were settled there. Cf. also Av z’; Mishna, Kethuboth, xiii. 11; Neubauer, Géog. du Talmud, pp. 317-319; tomb-inscriptions of Et ondacian Jews at Jope, in PHFSt. 1898, . 290, and 1900, pp. 118, 122. In the Jerusalem almud we meet with three Jewish scholars from Cappadocia (R. Judan, R. Jannai, R. Samuel); see Krauss, Griech. und lat. Lehnworter im Talmud, fi.

[1899] 558; Bacher, Die Agada der palist. Amoréer, iii. [1899] 106, 749. ce. Bithynia and Pontus: the general testimony of Philo (Legatio ad Gaiwm, § 36, dxpi Bidvvlas Kal rv rod I6vrov wvxwv) ; a Bithynian tomb-inscription of late date (REJ xxvi. 167-171). On Sampsame 1 Mac 15%)=Amisus in Pontus, see above, p. 93°. rom Pontus came both the Aquilas, the com- eee of St. Paul (Ac 18?), and the author of a Gr. anslation of the Old Testament. Cf. also Ac 2%. dd.

Pantikapeum in the Crimea: two inscrip- tions of great interest (Latyschev, Inscriptiones antique ore septentrionalis Ponti Euxini, ii., Nos. 62, 53 [better texts here than in C/G 2114», 2114°)}), one of which is dated from the year A.D. 81. Both contain deeds relating to the manumission of slaves of Jewish owners. At the close it is noted that the Jewish community ‘took part in superin- tending’ this legal instrument, i.e.

shared the re- sponsibility for its correct execution (cvvemirporeovons 6¢ kal THs cwaywyhs Tov ’lovdalwy), Thus even in that remote region there was in the lst cent. A.D. an organized Jewish community. 5. Hey pT.—lIf even in Syria and Asia Minor the Jewish population was a numerous one, this was pre-eminently the case in Egypt.

Here, moreover, the Jews came to play an important part in the history of civilization ; for, thanks to their favour- able social position, they were able to adopt in large measure the Greek culture, and thus became the principal representatives of the Jewish-Greek form of thought. The emigration of larger masses of Jews to Egypt must undoubtedly be held to have first taken place in the Greek period. But sporadic migrations or even forcible transplantings happened earlier than this.

Soon after the destruc- tion of Jerusalem by Nebuchadrezzar (B.C. 586), a aly company of Jews, from fear of the Chaldeans, and in spite of the protests of the prophet Jere- miah, took their departure to Egypt (Jer 42. 43; for the motive see Jer 41). They settled in various parts, at Migdol, Tahpanhes, Noph, and Pathros (Jer 44"), But we donot know whether their de- scendants maintained their existence here as Jews.

—Pseudo-Aristeas speaks of two transplantings of Jewish settlers to Egypt prior to the time of Ptolemy Lagi: one in the time of the Persians, and one much earlier, under Psammetichus, who in his expedition to Ethiopia is said to have had even Jewish soldiers in his army (Aristew Epist., ed. Wendland, § 13: #5 mév kal mpbrepoy ikavav eloehn\v0brwy odv TH Idpoy kai rpd Tobrwy érépwr cup- paxior eEarecradudvwy mpds Tov Trav AlOidmwv Bacitéa bdxerOat oly Vaypnrixy.

The king last named is probably Psammetichus I. [B.C. 594-589], who undertook a campaign against Ethiopia. That amongst others there were Semitic mercenaries in his army, we know from the inscriptions of Abu- Sinibel [on which ef. the Literature cited in Pauly- Wissowa’s RE, art. ‘Abu-Simbel’]. The Jewish migration to Egypt in the time of the Persians is DIASPORA not regarded by pseudo-Aristeas as a voluritary one; cf. §35, ed. Wendland). See also ‘ Additional Note’ at end of this article.

Whether as early as the time of Alexander the Great any considerable numbers of Jews migrated to Egypt, we know not. But we may trust the statement of Josephus, that, at the founding of Alexandria by the monarch just named, Jewish settlers were from the first incorporated among the citizens (BJ I. xviii. 7, c. Apion. ii. 4). Con- firmation of this is supplied by the decree of the emperor Claudius (ap. Jos. Ant. XIX. v.

2), accord- ing to which the Jews in Alexandria were settled there from the very first (rots wrpwrous eb) Kacpois) along with the Alexandrians. Larger masses appear to have first come to Egypt under Ptolemy Lagi. According to pseudo-Hecateus, we are to think in this instance of voluntary migrations (Jos. ¢. Apion. i. 22 [Niese, § 194]: ovk dAlyae 5é Kad mera Tov “AdeEdvdpov Odvaropy els Aiyumrov kal Powlkyy KetéoTnoav Oia Thy év Zvpla ordow, ef. § 186).

According to pseudo-Aristeas, on the other hand, Ptolemy Lagi transplanted Jewish prisoners in large numbers to Egypt. The details of his narra- tive belong, indeed, to the realm of romance. Ptolemy, we are told, carried captive to Egypt 100,000 Jews. Of these he armed 30,000 able- bodied men, whom he employed to do garrison duty in the fortresses of the country (§ 13: d¢’ é» Goel Tpets wupiddas kaborAloas dvdpOv éxdexrwv els rhv Xwpay karwKicer ev Tots ppovplos).

The old men, the children, and the women, he is said to have handed over as slaves to his soldiers, on demand, as conipen- sation for their services (Aristee Epist., ed. Wend- land, §§ 12-14, cf. 35-36). Afterwards Ptolemy Philadelphus is stated to have procured the freedom of all these Jewish slaves by paying to the owners twenty drachmez per slave (§§ 15-27, 37). Since Josephus, in relating the same narrative (c. Apion. ii. 4 [Niese, §§ 44-47], Ant. xu. i.)

, simply repro- duces the account of pseudo-Aristeas [in the first cited passage this is self-apparent, and in the other at least probable], the latter is our only witness. But, in spite of the romantic character of the narrative in question, this much at least is credible, that Ptolemy Lagi brought Jewish prisoners to Egypt and set them to garrison duty in the fortresses. For the fact that Ptolemy Pagi took Jerusalem by storm is unimpeachably vouched for by Agatharchides (Jos. c. Apion. i.

22 [Niese, §§ 209-211], Ant. xu. i.; cf. Appian, Syr. 50). And the employment of Jews for garrison work in strongholds is confirmed by the circumstance that at a still later period we hear of a ‘Jews’ camp’ (Lovdatwy orpardéredov, castra Judeorum) in various places (see further, on this, below).

At Alexandria, in the time of the Diadochi, a special quarter, separated from the rest of the city, was assigned to the Jews, ‘in order that they might be able to live a purer life by mixing less with foreigners’ (Jos. BJ 1. xviii. 7; from ¢. Apion. ii. 4 it might appear as if this quarter had already been assigned to the Jews by Alexander the Great, but, according to the manifestly more exact account in BJ Il. xviii. 7, this was first done by the Diadochi; cf. also Strabo ap. Jos. Ant. XIV.

vii. 2). This Jewish quarter stretched along the harbour- less strand in the neighbourhood of the royal palace (c. Apion, ii. 4 [Niese, § 33]: mpds ddlwevov Oddacoar, § 36 mpds rots BaodsKots), to the east, therefore, of the promontory of Lochias on the north-east of the city. The separation came afterwards, indeed, not to be strictly maintained, for Philo tells us that not a few Jews had their dwelling, places scattered about in the other quarters of the city.

But even in Philo’s time two of the five city: divisions were called ‘the Jewish,’ because they were predominantly inhabited by Jews (Philo, DIASPORA in Flaccum, § 8 [ed. Mangey, ii. 525]). We learn from this that the Jews constituted something like two-fifths of the population of Alexandria. Accord- ing to Josephus, the fourth city-division was in- habited by Jews (BJ IL. xviii. 8: 17d Kadovmevor Aé\ra, the city-divisions being named after the first five letters of the alphabet).

The totul number of Jews in Egypt ts reckoned by Philo in his own time at about a million (in Ilaccum, § 6 [ed. Mangey, ii. 523]). He remarks in this connexion that they had their dwellings “as far as the borders of Ethiopia’ (uéype trav dplwy Al@orias). This general statement is confirmed by many special testimonies, of which the following are the most important :— a. Lower Eqypt.

To the east of the Delta, in the nome of Heliopolis (and near to Leontopolis, which must not, however, be confounded with the Letter known Leontopolis situated much farther to the north), lay the Jewish temple (formerly a temple of Bubastis), which owed its origin to the Jewish high priest Onias in the time of Ptolemy Philometor (Jos. Ané. XIII. iii. 2: év Aedvrwy moder tov ‘HXworoNlrov; see more fully, regarding this temple, below, p. 107). The region was known as 7 Ovlov xdépa (Ant, XIV.

viii. 1, BJ I. ix. 4). With this we should probably connect the ‘ vicus Jude- orum’ mentioned in the IJ¢inerarium Antonini (ed. Parthey et Pinder, p. 75). But the ‘castra Judzorum’ mentioned in the Notitia Dignitatum Orientis (ed, Bécking, i. 69) is presumably different, although also situated in the same neighbourhood. At the spot where, according to the statement of distances given in the Jtiner. Anton.

, the ‘vicus Judzorum’ should be sought, there is still a Tell el-Jehudiyeh, in proximity to which a temple of Bubastis had once stood. Another Tell el- Jehudiyeh, which, according to Naville, has ‘quite the appearance of a fortress,’ lies farther south (see Naville, Seventh Memoir of the Egypt. Explor. Fund, London, 1890). Weshould probably identify the first named Tell el-Jehudiyeh [not, as Naville, the more southern one] with the building of Onias, and the other with the ‘castra Judzeorum.

’ While these places lay to the east of the Delta, Josephus in his account of Cesar mentions an "Iovéalwy otparéredov, which, from the context of the narra- tive, must have lain to the west of it (Ant. XIV. viii. 2, BJ 1. ix. 4). It cannot therefore be the same as the ‘castra Judzorum’ mentioned in the Notitia Dignitatum. The existence of various ‘Jews’ camps’ is readily intelligible in the ight of the statements quoted above from pseudo-Aristeas.

Likewise in the Delta, in its southern portion, lies Athribis, where, according to an inscription of the Ptolemaic period found there, a certain Ptolemzus, son of Epikydes, chief of the police, acting in con- junction with the resident Jews, built a synagogue to the most high God (IIro\euatos “Emixvdou 6 éemiotdrns Tov pudaxirwy Kal ol év AOpiBer lovdaton rhv mpocevxhy bew WWlorw, RET xvii. 235-238 = Bulletin de corresp. hellén. xiii. 178-182). b. Middle Egypt.

‘The more recent papyrus ‘finds’ have furnished information regarding the early settlement of Jewsin Middle Egypt. Accord- ing to a document of the 3rd cent. B.C. discovered in the nome of Arsinoé (the modern Fayum), there had to be paid for the possession of slaves in the village of Psenyris a duty es ra arodoxia rns Kwmns mapa Twy Lovdawwy Kat tw EXAnvev (The Flinders Petrie Papyri, ed. by Mahaffy, pt. i. 1891, p. 43). In another, belonging to the same region and dating from 238-237 B.c.

, we meet with a [maper]}dnjos os Kat cupioTe Iwvadas [kaderrat] (op. cit. pt. ii, 1893, p. 23). Towards the end of the 2nd cent. B.C. a mpocevxy LIovdalwy is mentioned at Arsinoé (Tebtunis Papyri, ed. by Grenfell, Hunt, and Smyly, pt. i. 1902, No. 86). At Oxyrhynchus, south of Arsinoé, DIASPORA documents have been found of the Roman Imperial period, in which a ‘Jews’ lane’ (auzodos Lovdaikn) is mentioned (The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, ed. by Grenfell and Hunt, pt. i. 1898, No. 100; pt. in. 1899, No.

335). c. Upper Egypt. Here there were Jews settled as early as the time of Jeremiah, for the Pathros of Jer 44! is Upper Egypt. A great many tax- receipts from the 2nd cent. B.C., written upon clay tablets (ostraca), have been found in the neigh- bourhood of Thebes. Among the names of the tax-coliectors who grant such discharges there are many which are undoubtedly Jewish: e.g. Ilwoymos ABd.iov, Iwonmios., ZayBaracos APinrov, Dau.

Babaros DorAdouutos, Linwy Lagapev, Zyuwy APinrov (see the collection in Wilcken, Griechische Ostraka, vol. i. 1899, p. 523f.) A papyrus emanating from the same time and place contains a fragment of a letter, from which we learn that a Jew, named Aavoovdos, had failed of his engagement to make delivery of a horse (Grenfell, An Alexandrian Erotic Fragment, 1896, p. 75).

On tax-receipts of the time of Trajan we repeatedly encounter the name of one Avtwwos Madxatos who had charge of the harbour dues (?; dpuodvaaxla) at Syene, on the southern border of Upper Egypt (Wilcken, Griechische Ostraka, ii. Nos. 302-304, ef. i. p. 278). As general evidence of the diffusion of the Jews ‘as far as the borders of Ethiopia,’ we have the above cited testimony of Philo.

The great extent of their numbers in the Thebaid is best shown by the circumstance that in the time of Trajan they rose in arms here, as in the rest of Egypt, against the non-Jewish inhabitants (Euseb. Chron., ed. Schoene, ii. 164f.)* 6. CYyRENAICA.—Here too the Jewish Diaspora was present in force. Even Ptolemy Lagi is said to have sent Jewish colonists thither (Jos. c. Apion. ii. 4 [Niese, § 44]). The Roman despatch of 1 Mac 15% presupposes the presence of Jewish inhabitants in Cyrene.

According to Strabo, the pepe of the latter city in the time of Sulla fell inte four’ classes: citizens, farmers, metovkoi, Jews (Strabo ap. Jos. Ant, XIV. vil. 2: rérrapes 8 joay év TH Tore tov Kupynvalwy, # re Tov wodtrev Kal 7] TwY yewpyor, tplrn 5’ h Tav perolkwy, rerdprn 8 Tay Lovdalwv). At that time the Jews already played a prominent part in the disturbances which Lucullus, on the occasion of his incidental presence, had to allay (Strabo, /.c.)

A Jewish vodlrevya in the city of Berenike in Cyrenaica is brought to our knowledge by a lengthy inscription (C/G 5361; see more fully, below § i). Augustus and Agrippa took measures in favour of the Jews of Cyrene (Jos. Ant. XVI. vi. 1, 5).

We have a number of testimonies in the NT to the presence of Jews in Cyrenaica: Mt 27°, Mk 15”, Lk 2376 (Simon the Cyrenian); Ac 21° (Cyrenians present at Jerusalem at the Feast of Pentecost) ; 6° (a synagogue of the Cyrenians at Jerusalem) ; 11” (Cyrenians come from Jerusalem to Antioch) ; 13! (Lucius of Cyrene a prominent member of the church at Antioch). In the time of Vespasian the Jewish sicarit also found adherents among their co-religionists in Cyrene (Jos. BJ VIII. xi. ; Vita, 76).

The great rising of the Jews in Cyrenaica in the time of Trajan was marked by terrible violence (Dio Cass. Ixviii. 32; Euseb. H# iv, 2). 7. NORTH AFRICA,—Here we can demonstrate the presence of Jews, during the Roman period, * The diffusion of Semites throughout Egypt in the earlier Ptolemaic period is witnessed to also by a papyrus probably of the year B.c. 240-239, in which a major-domo makes a return of the personnel of his house for taxation purposes.

He enumer- ates amongst others the yeapyol wold Xalapos PaytroBawr lenf Kpzrepos Siraaxss MaravBawa (Wilcken, Griechische Ostraka, i. 436, and also the correction on p. 823). But the Semites here named may be Pheenicians or Philistines ope well with Jews. For Phenician inscriptions in Egypt, see CIS i. Nos. 97-113; Répertoire d'épigraphre sémitique, i. 1901, Nos. 1-4. DIASPORA DIASPORA 97 from the border of Cyrenaica to the extreme west (cf.

, especially, Monceaux, ‘Les colonies juives dans Afrique Romaine’ in RE xliv. [1902] 1-28). We do not know when or how they came there. But, as the neighbouring Cyrenaica was largel settled by Jews as early as the Ptolemaic period, the colonization of Africa will also have begun then, at least that of proconsular Africa, and later that of Numidia and Mauretania. a. Proconsular Africa.

At Carthage there has been discovered an extensive Jewish cemetery, containing more than 100 vaults, each with from 15 to 17 loculi. Its Jewish character is shown by the frequent portrayal of the seven, branched candlestick (see Delattre, Gamart ou la nécropole juive de Carthage, Lyon, 1895; for Latin inscrip- tions from this cemetery, see CJL viii. Suppl. Nos. 14097-14114). The work adv. Judeos, attributed to Tertullian, presupposes the presence of Jews in Carthage.

At Hammém-Lif, not far from Carthage, the foundations of a synagogue of the Roman period have been discovered, upon the mosaic floor of which there are Jewish inscriptions in the Latin language (Renan, Revue archéol., trois. Série, i. [1883] 157-163, iii. [1884] 273-275, lates vii-xi; Kaufmann, REJ xiii. [1886] 45-61; inach, 7b. 217-223; CIL viii. Suppl. No. 12457).

At Oea in Tripolis the Christian bishop in the time of Augustine consulted the Jews there about & passage in Jerome’s new translation of the Bible (Augustine, Epist. lxxi. 3, 5). On the Peutinger Table there is mention of a place in the same neighbourhood, called ‘Judzorum Augusti.’ b. Numidia. The presence of Jews at Hippo is evident from Augustine, Serm. exevi. 4. At Cirta there are Latin inscriptions (CJL viii. Nos. 7150, 7155, 7530 [cf. Add. p. 965], 7710). c. Mauretania.

At Sitifis there are Latin in- scriptions (CL viii. Nos. 8423, 8499). At Tipasa there was a Jewish synagogue, at Cesarea the house of a Jewish ‘ruler of the synagogue’ is mentioned (see the evidence from processes against mar in Monceaux, REJ xliv. 8). Even in the extreme west of Mauretania, at Volubilis, a He- brew inscription, probably of the Roman period, has been found (Berger, Bulletin archéol. du comité des travaux historiques, 1892, pp. 64-66, pl. xiii). 8. MACEDONIA AND GREECE.

—The most im- portant testimony is that of Philo, or of the letter of Agrippa to Caligula which he quotes (see above, . 92"). Thessaly, Boeotia, Macedonia, A‘tolia, ttica, Argos, Corinth, and, finally, ra wAefora cal dpiora Nehorovvycov, are named by him as countries where Jews dwell. If we compare this general statement with the meagre special testimonies that are available, we see how full of /acune our infor- mation is. Interesting dates are furnished by two manumission-deeds from Delphi.

In the one a certain Atisidas gives their liberty to three Jewish female slaves (cduara yuvatketa tpla als dvéuara Ayre ryova 7d yévos "lovdalay kal ras Ovyarépas airas Oeodépay kal Awpodéav); in the other the subject of manumis- sion is described as cua dvépetov @ bvopa "lovdaios 7d yévos “Iovéatov (Sammlung der griechischen Dialekt- Inschriften, herausg. von Collitz, Bd. ii. Heft 3-5 [1892-1896], Nos. 1722, 2029). Since these docu- ments belong to the first half of the 2nd cent. B.c.

, we have to do in all probability with prisoners of war of the Maccabean period who had been sold into slavery in Greece. From 1 Mac 15% it is evident that at the same date there were Jews also in Sparta and Sicyon. In the time of St. Paul there were Jewish synagogues at Philippi, Thessalonica, Bercea, Athens, Corinth (Ac 16% 17*- 20 17 184-7), For Jewish-Greek inscriptions at Athens, see Cl Attic. iii. 2, Nos. 3545, 3546, 3547; at Patra, CJG 9896 ; in Laconia and Thessalonica, REJ x. 77 f.

; at Mantinea, REJ xxxiv. 148.