Daughter (Hastings' Dictionary)

See Family. "DAVID ('!•;, but ■'■■'■; 1 K 3" 11- ^, Ezk 34", Hos, Am, Zee, Ca, Ezr, Neh, Ch [except 1 Ch 138] . LXX, NT, Aoue;5, but TR Ao;3i5).— The name, which in the Bible is given to no one e.xcept the great king of Israel, Is perhaps a shortened form of nodavahu ('^'T'' 2 Ch 20"), 'beloved of J",' or Dodo ('-I'T 2 S 23-^, ':'■< 2 S 239, Heihibh), ' beloved of him'; but, according to Sayce, was originally Dodo, a title of the sun-god (cf. •i-'i-' on Moablte Stone, 1. 12).

In the Tel cl-Ainarna tablets of the 1.5th cent. B.C. the form Dudu is found. Our authorities for the life of David are derived entirely from the OT. The extra-biblical narratives, of which the earliest are the fragments of Fupolemus in ICuscbius, Pr(ep. Evang. ix. 30, and of Nicolas of Damascus in Josephus, Ant. vil. v. 2, are either dependent upon the OT, or are entirely legendary (cf. Stanley, art. 'David' in Sniith's "/)/?) The reign of D.

, according to the traditional chronology, is dated li.C. 1055-1015 ; but from Assyr. inscriptions it appears that Jehu is placed about 40 years too early in Us.sher's chronology, and we must accord- ingly bring down the reign of D. by a period of from 30 to 50 years. The biblical account of D. is to be found (i.) in the narrative of 1 S 16- I K 2 ; (ii.) in 1 Ch 2. 3. 'harles Srribner's Sons DAVID 10-29; see also Hu 41'',, ; and (^iii.) in the titles of many psalnis.

Of these three sources the first is alike the oldest and the primary authority ; in- formation derived from the other two can be used only sparingly. A considerable portion of the history in 1 Ch is derived directly or ultimately from the Books of Samuel, and cannot be cited as an independent narrative, though it is often valuable for the restoration of the text. The fresh information given by the Chronicler consist.s mainly of lists of names and statistical details.

In many cases the numbers given condemn themselves ; where we have to deal with scries of names, there is no absolute criterion to guide us ; but it is to be noticed that the new narratives are nearly always marked by their late Ileb. style, and by the char- acteristic language of the Chronicler, while the statements made are often more or less at variance with the older account in Samuel.

It is rarely clear that the author had access to ancient documents other than the Books of Samuel, and his unverified statements umst tlierefore be received with caution. The picture of I), presented by him differs in important respects from the earlier portrait ; it is indeed the picture of an idealized David, such as was present to the minds of devout .Jews of the ;ird cent. B.C.. when the true founder of the Isr.

monarchy was regarded as a model of piety ; and the recognition of the full Priestly Code in the time of I), was a fact never questioned (see CllIiOSIOLES). Seventy-three psalms bear the title ' to David,' and in many cases, especially in Book II., there is a fuller in.scription connecting the psalm with some particular event in D.'s life. Many of these titles recall the language of the Books of Sam., from which indeed they may be derived. The picture of D. which they .

suggest is not unlike that of Chronicles. On clo.ser examination, however, it is seen that the contents of the psalm are often not suitable to the alleged occasion ; and so frc- <iuenlly is this the ca.se, that it becomes unsafe to accept the superscriptions, or even the Davidic authorship of 'Davidic' psalnis, \inless the titles are directly supported by internal evidence. But, without entering upon the wide question of the date and authorship of the Psalter (.

see PSALMS), it may be said that in a large number of cases the thoughts and language even of ' Davidic ' psalms remind us of the teaching of the great l)roiihets, and seem to be largely dependent on it ; the circumstances of the psalmists are often those of the post-exilic Jews ; and the religious ideas and spiritual tone of the Psalter as a whole differ widely from tho.se which the most trustworthy authorities ascribe to D. himself, or to the period of the early monarchy.

The tendency among the best .scholars of the present day is to reduce the directly Davidic element in the P.salter to the narrowest limits. Hence it does not seem advisable to illustrate the history or character of D. by quotations from the Psalms. For the history of D. we are thus practically reduced to the Books of Samuel (with 1 K 1.

2); but even this work contains elements of unequal his- torical value, and it is necessary to consider briefly the structure of the book, and to form a critical estimate of its contents. One noticeable feature of the D. narratives contained In 1 S lfi-:ll is the existence of a number of *iloubIet«.' i.«. aeconntti of very similar events, or dlverffent accounts i>f the sanie event. These mav be here ernnneraled. (1) The Introduction of I>. to .Saul.

1 S ir,"-»anil IT'-ls'; (2) the slavlni; of Oollalh of rtath, 1 S W-IH" and -i S 'Jl'"; (H) Saul easts his spear at I)., 1 8 IsiMianil 111". '»; (4) .lonalhan's Intercession for I)., lH'-' and 'in; (.'»! the covenant between I^. and •lonatban, -iuii-is. 4a and o;^ifl_iH . (,.,j ti,^, nrliriti of the proverb, * Is Saul also am4)n^ the prophets?' ill"', and lll>»-13; (7) I), at the court of Achlsh, ■.'">-'» ond 2"-a?> 21); (8) D. spores Saul's life, -£4 and 20; (9) VOL. I.

— 36 DAVID 561 the death of Saul, 1 S 31 and 2 S li-i«. These paroUels are not all equally convincing ; in certain cases the diver{;ent narratives may bo harmonized more or less satisfactorily ; in others It is possible that an event occurred more than once In D.'s life, though it would be strange that with reference, e.g., to D.'s llicht to Gath. or his sparing Saul's life, no allusion should be iu.ide in the narrative to a previous similar occurrence.

We cannot, however, separate these peculiarities in the historv of I>. from similar phenomena in the hi.story of Saul, where wefind two accounts of his appointment as kiiij;. and of his rejection. We are therefore obliged to recognize the existence of two I)arallel narratives in the present 1 S, and these must be separ- ated as far as possible, and coini)ared, if we would gain a clear idea of D.'s earlier life. In 2 S the case is somewhat ditlerent.

Of a double narrative there we have hardly any traces. On the other hand, we have a detailed and continuous narrative {ch 11-20 with 1 K I. 2), the work of a single writer, which describes the history of D.'s family and court at Jerus., and is a document of the highest importance. The earlier chapters (.

1-S) and the a[>i)endix (21-'i4) are of composite origin ; there are indi- cations that their contents have been partially rearranged ; and later editors or redactors have left their mark on these chapters. The following analysis, taken mainly from Budde {liichter uiid Snmuel)y will be found useftll. Some comments upon it will be found in the course of this article ; for fuller particulars see Sa-muel, Hooks of. A. ( Budde. ,1) IS 16I»-M1S5. 2«-»(,«-8i''-» 20.22. •23l-"«->«-l»2.'2-'* ■24.

27, 28'. ' 29. 80. 2s-26 8], 2 S ]i~.l'-2i 0, 8. '^-3" 4, 51-3. i7_:o (^y21llsJ2'23»-»») 6i>->2 6. S"',V.i-i» s'«-i» = 20M-M9, Jn, 1 K 1 2 B. (Hudde, E) 1 8 17. Ib'-» i»-") '-'» lu'-" 21'-» 2.S'«i^'8i'' 26, 2 S !»-■«. Det.iched narratives of various dotes : — 2 S 21'-" 24, 1 9 IC-" 19"«-" 21"'-">, 2 S 7. 22. 231-'. Editorial additions, based in part on older material ; — 2 9 S-"", 1 K '2(1-12). No account is taken here of minor interpolations and editorial additions.

Of these different outhorities the oldest and most voluable is the family history of D. referred to above (2 9 9-20, 1 K 1. 2); its det.iiled descriptions and graphic touclies do not indeed prove the writer to have been a contemporar,v of the events , but be clearly possessed trustworthy sources oflnformation, and must he placed not very long after D.'s time. The remaining jtortions of .\ are not so detailed, and are apparently of some- what later date.

B is still later, and in several points less reliable than A ; while of the shorter sections some are shown by their contents, and by the hleas there expressed, to be of high antiquity (2 S 21. '24), others are certainly later than B, ami in part dependent on B. All, however, are earlier than the lime of .losiah ; and only in 2 S 7 (pre-exilici, in the Songs (2 S 22. 281-") and the editorial additions, can we trace the influence of Deuteronomy. David was the youngest .

son of Jesse, a Judajan of Bethlehem, who seems to have belonged to one of the principal families of his native town (yet cf. 1 S 18'*). No particulars as to the ancestry of Jesse are given in 1 Sam. (contrast the case of Saul, 1 SO'); but in the (later) genealogy in Kuth he is called the son of Obed, and grandson of Boaz, and his descent is traced back to the familv of Perez (Ru 4"'-2- ; see also 1 Ch 2»-"). The name of D.'

s mother is nowhere given ; his three elder brothers were called Eliab ('.' Kliliu, 1 Ch 27i»), Abinadab, and Shammah (Shimeah, 2 S \S^ ; -Shimei, 2 S2r-i), see 1 S !(>''-'■> 17i». 1 S Kii'f- and I7i- .speak of eight sons of Jesse, and in 1 Ch 21-'-"' three more names are given, Nethanel the 4th, Haddai the oth, and Ozem the (!th, D. being there termed the 7th. The si.sters of I)., Zeruiah (the mother of Joab, Abishai, and Asahel) and Abigail (the mother of Ainasa), were probably half-sister.

s, for in 2 S IT^ Abigail is called daughter of Nahash and sister to Zeruiah ; cf. 1 Ch 2i«- "). We first hear of D. when he was introduced to the court of Saul. The king had been attacked with morliid melancholy, called by the histiu'ian 'an evil spirit from J".' His servants suggested that a skilful player ui)on the harp should bo brought to soothe the king with his music, and 1)., tlie son of Jes.se, was chosen for this ollice. The narrative (1 .

S Ki'''-'') is probably to be ci'ii- nected with tlie statement of H''-, that Saul gathered round liim every valiant warrior in Israel ; and in like manner I)., who is described as 'a mighty man of valour and a man of war,' was summoned to the court. In addition to being a skilful iimsician, he was prudent in sjieecli (or business), a comely j)er.sun, and one who enjoyed the favour of J". The young minstrel won the 562 DAVID DAVID favour of the king, who made him his armour- hearer (of.

1 S 14iff- 31<-«, 2 S 18'5 23"), and kept him in attendance upon his person. From another source, however, we have a dif- ferent account of D.'s first introduction to Saul, in the beautiful and familiar story of the encounter with Goliath (ch. 17^-18). Here David is represented as a mere lad, a goodly youth of fair countenance, inexperienced in war (17^- '^), wlio used to tend his father's sheep.

During a war with the Philistines, I), was sent by his father with a present to liis tliree brothers, who were serving in Saul's army in the Valley of Elah. On reaching the camp he heard the defiant words of the giant, Goliath of Gath, and, undeterred by his eldest brother's reproaches, he inquired among the soldiers concerning the king's reward promised to any man who would overcome the Philistine champion.

When brought before the king, the youth at once offered to go out against the Philis- tine, relating how he had protected his father's sheep from the lions and bears which had attacked them (tenses in 17*'"- frequentative, see Driver, Text of Sam.) Putting aside the armour offered by the king, he advanced to meet the giant. He brought his opponent to the ground by a stone slung against his forehead, and then cut off his liead with his own sword.

The fall of their champion was followed by the rout of the Philis- tine army. So far was D. at this time unknown to Saul, that the king instructed his chief com- mander, Abner, to inquire concerning the 'strip- ling's' parentage, — a question which D. answered for himself as he returned from the fray with the giant's head in his hand. From this time forward D. was kept at the court of Saul, while a close friendship sprang up at once between him and the king's son Jonathan.

Many attempts have been made to harmonize the two narratives. It is suggested that D. had returned home from his position as minstrel, and had since grown out of recognition ; or that Saul's question to Abner related to D.'s family, but that lie personally was known to Saul. Neither of these explanations can be regarded as satisfactory, nor do they account for the discrepancy between the .skilled warrior of 16' and the shepherd lad of '[l^^-''.

The difficulty attracted attention at an early period. 17'^ seems to be a harmonistic addi- tion by some later editor, and represents D. as going backwards and forwards between his home and the court. Similarly, W ' which is with the sheep,' a clause which does not agree with v.'", must be regarded as a later gloss. The LXX (cod. B) offers a more violent solution of the problem, omitting 1712-31. «. so. ss.jg^ ; it thus gets rid of the description of 1).

as sent to the camp by his father, and of Saul's question concerning the young hero, D. being represented (v. ^-) as already in attend- ance upon Saul. The LXX text has been accepted as original by competent .scholars (W. K. Smith, Stade, Cornill) ; but others with good reason adhere to the MT, and regard the omissions of the LXX as due to an attempt to reconcile chs. 16 and 17 (Driver, Cheyne, Wellhausen [Compii.'<ition], Kue- ncn, Budde, etc.) Even in the LXX text D. is a shepherd lad (vv.

^- -), not the warrior of 16"- -1 ; in language and style the onutted paragraphs do not differ from the rest of the chapter, while cer- tain expressions wliioh suggest a later hand (e.f/. a.ts-embly v. ■", Jerusalem '^) are found also in the LXX ; and the original covenant between 1). and Jonathan, to which allusion is made more than once subsequently, is related only in 18'". In fact all tliese attempts to reconcile the two accounts of the first meeting of D.

and Saul are unsuccessful ; we can only recognize them as two versions of the history, and choose between them. And here we see the importance of the statement of 2 S 21" that ' Elhanan the sou of Jair (cf. Driver, Text oj Sam.) the Bethlehemite, slew Goliath the Gittite, the staff of whose spear was like a weaver's beam ' (cf. 1 S 17"). The Chronicler indeed states that ' Elhanan slew Lahmi the brother of Goliath ' (1 Ch 20^), but the 'harder' reading of 2 Sam. is certainly to be preferred.

It has been .suggested that Elhanan was the original name of David (Bottcher, Sayce), — but of this there is no hint in either passage, and the father of Elhanan is .lair (or Jafir), not Jesse ; — or that the name of Goliath has been wrongly transferred to D.'s enemy, who, in 1 S 17, is usually termed simply ' the Philistine.' On the whole, however, it seems more probable that Goliath of Gath was slain at a later period by one of D.'

s warriors, also a native of Bethlehem ; and subsequently the victory was by tradition as- cribed to D. himself, and put back to the period of his boyhood. In this case we must accept 1 S 16'^*^ as giving the true narrative of D.'s first introduction to Saul ; but the popular tradition has left its mark on other parts of the history of David. A story of D.'

s earliest life is given in 1 S 16'-i', where we read how, after Said's rejection, Sanmel was sent in accordance with J"'s instructions to Bethlehem. There he invited Jesse to a sacrifice, and, after sending a special summons to the young David, who was tending the sheep, anointed him in the midst of his brothers. This narrative now forms the introduction to the history of D.

; it is the counterpart to 1 S lO'ff- (the anointing of Saul by Samuel), and explains the coming of the Spirit of God upon D., and its departure from Saul ; but, as it stands, the account can hardly be aocepted as historical. Independently of any difficulties raised by the character and position here assigned to Samuel, which resemble what we find in the later narrative of the choice of Saul, the fact that D.'s anointing attracted so little attention has more than once been remarked as strange.

His own brother Eliab seems unaware of it (17^), while D. himself appears unconscious of his destiny (18"), and always regards Saul as the Anointed of J" (1 S 24« 26'*, 2 S 1"). The explanation that this anoint- ing was only a mark of favour bestowed on the most honoured guest, and that D. was here given a place like that assigned to Saul at Ramah (9'^-, so Klostermann, Ewald, W. R. Smith), does not do justice to the narrative, and anointing in the OT implies the conferring of some office.

Our authorities do not enable us to say how long D. continued in the position of Saul's min.strel and armour-bearer. His success in war against the Philistines ; his popularity among the soldiers ; the love of Michal and her marriage with D. ; the strong friendship between D. and Jonathan, who entered into a covenant of brotherhood, — these facts are all attested by more than one passage in both the main narratives.

But it is not quite easy to trace and explain the begiiniing of the distrust which Saul conceived for his young favourite, who had been immioted to the position of captain of the bodyguard (1 S 22'* LXX). It is only natural that there should be some want of definiteness in the narratives. The facts could be known only to tho.se belonging to the innermost circle of the court, and all our records are written from the point of view of friends of David.

If any ill- advised action on his part contributed to excite Saul's ill-will, we are told nothing about it. The main rea.son alleged for Saul's enmity is his jealousy of D.'s popularity and success in war, which is said to have been excited by the song of the women, who met the victorious warriors with the words, ' Saul hath slain his thousands, and 1). his ten thousands.' But besides this there are hints DAVID of a suspicion thai D. had conspired with Jonathan to dethrone liini (cf.

1 S 203 f- 22'^). Everything that we are told of Jonathan goes to prove the baselessness of such a suspicion, and his continued affection for I), is evidence of D.'s innocence ; but we can well imagine that the melancholy from which Saul suffered served to increase any jealousy or distrust when once aroused, and it is possible that he feared that his subjects might regard him, owmg to his occasional attacks of madness, as no longer a fit ruler of the nation.

The chapter which describes the growth of the estrangement between Saul and D. lies before us in two forms. Here again the LXX lias a shorter text, omitting from ch. 18 w.^-"- i-'d. ii-io. 211,. m. 31. Tims the account of Saul's casting his spear at D. is omitted, and tlie promi.se of marriage with the elder daughter Merab ; the gradual growth of Saul's jealousy is described, and each stage is appropri- ately emphasized with the words ' Saul was afraid of D.' (v.'-), 'Stood in awe of him' (v.'

°), 'was yet more afraid ' (v.'^) ; and on account of the clear and consistent picture given in this version, many scholars accept the LXX text as original (so Wellh., Kueneii, Stade, Driver, W. R. Smith, Kirkpatrick). IJut Cornill allows that the promise of Merab is the proper fultilnient of the king's promise to the slayer of tJoliath (17-''); and Budde urges the in- consistency of adopting the LXX recension in ch. la, and rejecting it (as Wellh., Kuenen, Driver do) in ch. 17.

He accounts for the difficulties pre- sented by the MT by analysing the chapter into sections derived from the two principal documents (.so also Cheyne) ; and this seems to be the most satisfactory solution of the problem. Comparing the parallel narratives, we gather that D. was placed by Saul at the head of an armed force, either as a mark of favour (18' A), or because of his growing distru.st (v.'-'B) ; that Saul's jealousy was excited on some occasion when D.

returned from a victory over the Philistines (vv.-', probably A and B, — note the double introduction to v.*') ; that this did not prevent the marriage of D. to Saul's younger daughter Michal (vv.-"-^' A, cf. '"-'s B). In- deed it is not improbable that the estrangement is placed too early, and that Saul gave his daughter to the popular and successful officer in order to bind him to his interests, rather than that he al- re.idy desired to comjiass D.'s death.

Jonathan's intercession for his friend failed to effect a real re- conciliation (I'.f 7 B, 20 A) ; and when Saul, in a lit of madness, hurled his spear at D. while he played the harp before the king, D. felt that his life was in danger, and that he mu.st flee from the court (1 !•'■'■ " B, 18"- " A, probably removed from its original position when A and B were combined). Tlip rletAlla triven by the two narrntivos difTcr. According to A. Sunt ntlVrt'fl IiIm flau^'htcr u> I>.

a,-, a luure »nare, hoping thai hi- riiii..'hl riilll[i tmttle, us the dowry was llxed at ItHt forcHklns of lilt' I'hllKtltic.H ; l)iit I)., without loft!* of time, procured twlcii thp required number (l'-"200, .MT; Km, 1,.\.\). and won his bride. After this (vv.»-"), Saul Ina frenzy attempted the life of Ids sondn-law, and, wlieti 1). coinplalneil t4i tlonathan, the latter repudlatiHl the Idea that his father hail any real Intention of harmlni; him. To deterndne the klntf'.s true feelings.

It was then ak'reeil that 1). should stay In hiding during the new-moon festival, while •Jonathan was to e.\cU!>e his friend's absence from the royal table on the prelexl that he harl been summoned to a family feast at Bethlehem. On the lirst day of D.'s absence nothing was said : on the next dav, in answer to Saul's ln<iulries. •lonathan made the excuse agreed upon, whereat the king burst forth lnt() furious reproaches against I>. and his son, and hurled his spear at .

Tonathati, who alteinpted to intercede for his fHend. In anger .Tonathnn left tiie table, and next Tnornlng went to the ai>polnted place In the tlelil. I'mler pretence of shooting at a mark, he sent an arrow beyond the stone where L>. lay concealed ; and while the boy carrksl back his niaster's weapons, the two friends took an atfectionate farewell. t>n ch. 20, which has per- ha;is not reiicheil us ipille in Its original form, it may be remarked tlial .

liinalhan's denial of aiiv wish on tile part of Saul to harm li. r:ii:) 1, iinr.iiy apprcjr.riaie after I'.n-;. m.iT; „„,| tliat while a niere act of frenzy US'"*- \V^-) iidght leave L). uncertain as to Haul's Intentions, ho could not have any doubt after Saul had DAVID 563 deliberately sent messengers to kill him (19"-"), or be expected to appear at the king's table Cio^' "• "1. According to the second narrative (H), It was owing to Saul's jealousy that D.

was removed from the position of aruiour- bearer to that of captain of a thousand (Is'^t. and when the time came for his promised marriage (cf !""», Merob the elder daughter was given to .\drlel of Meholah. Our account of D.'s marriage with .Michal seems to be derived from the other source, but the obscure words at the end of v.'i are perhaps a fragment of the second narrative. Saul's ill-wlll towards his former favourite increased so greatly that he i)urposed to put him to death, .lonathan.

however, "pleaded to his father D.'s good deeds, and especially his victory over the Philistine (Goliath); and on Saul's relenting he brought D. out of his hiding-place ia the Held, and presented him to bis father (11)'-'). The recon- ciliation, however, was of no long duration, for, shortly a/fer -Jonathan's appeal, Saul, in a tit of madness, east his speiir at D. as he played on the harp before him. D. lied to his house, but that night (ly" LX)X Saul sent messengers to watch the house, and.

while respecting his sleeping enetuy in accordance with Oriental custom, he ordered tliem to kill him in the morning. 1). was ^aved by the faithful Miclial, who lowered him through the window, while she placed in his bed the teraphim or house- hold image, and covered It with the bed-clothes. Next morning tlie messengers brought word that D. was ill ; but. when charged to bring him In the bed, the frauil was discovered, and Michal had to plead In self-defence that 1).

had threatened her life if she hindered his escape. With regard to this series of narratives it may be pointed out that the similarities between portions oj in'-' and eb. 'iO suggest, though they do not prove, that we have before us two dltferent versions of the same event, while the reference to the victory over Goliath connects the former pas- sage with ch. 17. Further, the dilference of phrase. )logy in IS'"- I'J"*- (cf. also '.'

U^) favours the view that these verses are the work of independeut writers, rather than tliat the former pas- sage has merely been borrowed from the latter afl«-r the time of the LXX. For the rest of Saul's reign D. was an exile from his home, and an outlaw (1 S 21-31). Some inci- dents during this period of his life are described with minute and graphic touches, which bear the evident stamp of geiiuiiiene.ss ; in other cases the accuracy of the narrative is more doubtful.

The analysis of these chapters does not present many difficulties, and more than once the existence of double versions of the same story can hardly be doubted. It is only natural that many stories of D.'s adventures should have been current among the people long before they were written down ; and many a place in the wilds of Judah would doubtless claim to be the site of some memorable event in the outlaw life of the great national hero ; while from ch.

30'*-3' it is clear that we possess but a fragmentary account of his many wanderings. According to the present Book of" Samuel, D,, after e.sca|>ing from Saul's messengers, lied first to Kamah, where he took refuge with Samuel at a prophetic school. Thrice Saul sent messengers to capture him (cf. 2 K 1), but each time the men were overcome by the sacred minstrelsy of the prophets ; and when Saul came in per.

son, he too was filled with prophetic frenzy, and stripping off his clothes lay naked all the night (lO'-'-'). Grave doubts, however, have been raised against this narrative. For a Judiean like D., flight south- wards Wits more natural from Gibeah tlian north- wards to Kamah ; the connexion between Samuel and the jiropliets is not that presented by the older history of Saul ami Samuel, where indeed there is another explanation given of the proverb ' Is .Saul also among the prophets?

' (lOH'-) ; while the present narrative can hardly be by the author of ch. 1&, who implies (v.!") that Saul and Samuel did not meet again. The conception of the pro- phetic school ;us here described is probably later than the time of D. ; and we must regard it as at lea.st doubtful whether D. had any dealings with Samuel. If we reject this narr.ative as of later origin, the first place visited by 1).

in his flight will be the priestly city of Nob, which lay south of Gibeah and due north of Jerusalem. To Ahimelech, the head of the priests of Eli's family, he alleged that he was bound on urgent business for the king, and accordingly obuiined thrc.igh him, as on previous occasions (22"), an answer from the oracle.

The 56-t DAVID DAVID only provisions wliich the priest could ofier was tlie sacred shewbread, removed that day from tlie sanctuary ; and tliis David accepted, stating that lie and his companions were ceremonially clean. Ahimelech is said also to have given to I), the sword of Goliath, which was kept wrapped in a cloth behind the Ki'lloD. This visit to Nob was followed by important consequences.

Shortly afterwards, while Saul was holding court under the tamarisk in Gibeali, he complained to his Ben- janiite followers of their ingratitude in taking part against him with his own son and David. Here- upon the Edomite Doeg, the chief herdman of Saul, or rather 'the mightiest of his runners' (21", so Griitz, Driver), declared that he had seen D. at Nob, where Ahiraelech had consulted the oracle on his behalf, and supplied him with food and weapons.

Saul at once suspected that the priest also was party to a conspiracy against him, and perhaps that he had been consulting the oracle as to its success. He summoned to his presence Ahime- lech and the priests of his family, and, refusing to accept their denial of any knowledge of a con- spiracy, ordered his guards to put them to death. The guards hesitated, but Doeg carried out the king's orders. Eighty-five priests were slain, and the city of Nob completely destroyed.

Only one member of Eli's family escaped the massacre, Abi- athar, a son of Ahimelech, who fled to D., probably to AduUara ; and the latter, feeling that the disaster was in some measure due to himself, promised the fugitive his iirotection. According to Budde, %ve have underlying 1 S 21'-' 22'^, ^ two versions of D.'s visit to Nob, and the denunciation of Doeg : notice that 22' '• '* imply that Ahimelech consulted the oracle for David, whereas nothing is said of this in 21'-^.

Budde connects the earlier passage with B, the second with A, and regards the allusions to Goliath's sword in 22''- '^ as added to connect the two narratives. Others (Wellb., Kuenen, Stade) ascribe both chapters to the same writer, and reject 2V- " (Heb. s. •)) 22"''> as later glosses. In any case, these verses presupposed the account of D. and Goliath in ch. 17. Our present narrative represents D. as fleeing from Nob to Gath.

Here, it is said, at the court of Achisli, he was recognized as the Isr. warrior, and ' king of the land ' ; in consequence he feigned mad- ness, drumming (v.''' LXX) on the doors, and letting the spittle fall on his beard, so that at the com- mand of Achish he was driven away (21 '"-'5). It is doubtful, liowever, whether D.

W(mld really have taken refuge among the Philistines at such an early period of his wanderings ; and wlien he ap- pears at Gath at a later time, no hint is given of this earlier visit. Probably we have here again a ' doublet,' and our narrative represents a popular legend, the product of a desire to represent in a more patriotic light D.'s residence among the Philistines. Far more reliable is the account in 22'<''-, according to which D. fled (from Nob) to the cave, or stronghold (so Wellh.

, Stade, Budde ; cf. v.-"), of AduUam. This place must be looked for, not, according to a tradition dating from the 12tli cent. All., on the south of Bethlehem in the Wmlij Khareitun, but in the Shephelah west of Hebron (cf. On 38', .Jos 1535; and see G. A. Smith, Hist, iieog. p. 229 f.) Here the wild character of the country afforded him a hiding-place ; he was among his own tribesmen, and on the extremity of Judah Saul's authority was weakest. The brothers and kinsmen of 1).

, who had to fear Saul's vengeance, gathered round him, together with distressed debtors and discontented men of every class, so that D. soon found himself the leader of a band of some 400 men. Of tliese, several doubtless were not of Israelitish origin (cf. 1 S 2I>" and perhaps 2 S 2;?'"-"') ; according to 1 Ch 12*-'8 certain valiant Gadites and men of Judah and Benjamin joined him here, and not long afterwards (1 S 23") D.'s followers are reckoned at GOO.

His parents he l)laced under the protection of the king of Moab, a step which may perhaps be explained by reference to the Book of Ruth, where D.'s descent is traced from Kuth the Moabitess. According to 22'', a verse of which the connexion is somewhat obscure, D., at the advice of the prophet Gad, removed from his stronghold to the forest of Hareth ; but he is certainly again in the Shephelah when we next hear of him. News came to I), that the Phili.

stines were raiding Keilah, doubtless a frontier town west of Hebron, and perhaps south of Adidlam. An opportunity now offered itself to him of at once a-ssisting his countrymen and making a fresh name as a warrior. Having inquired of the priestly ephod, which Abiathar had brought from Nob, and received a favourable answer, D. marched down with his band, and drove away the Philistines from Keilah. To Saul it seemed that the time for cap- turing his enemy had now come.

He summoned his army in order to besiege Keilah ; but D., learn- ing from the oracle that the inhabitants would save themselves by delivering over him and his men to Saul, escaped betimes, and Saul abandoned his expedition. D. is next found in the wild and partially desert country to the south of Judah, or in tlie neighbour- hood of the Dead Sea. The wilderness of Ziph and of Maon are especially connected with his wander- ings. Here doubtless D.

was welcome, and prob- ably he was able to protect the inhabitants from the inroads of wild nomad tribes living farther to the south and east. At this point the double narrative reappears, as is specially noticeable in the case of the two accounts of D. sparing Saul's life. That ch. "26 refers to a second occasion, althou^'h no refer- ence is there made to a former proof of D.'s generosity, seems antecedently improbable; and this impression is confirmed on cnniparin;; the two narratives.

Each is introduced by an ufl'er of the Zipliites to betray D.'s liidinp-jilace to Saul (2:5" 2r.») ; each ends with a confession of D.'s nol)le conduct placed in the mouth of Saul ; and a careful comparison of the lan(;iia^e (see Kuenen, Budde) shows either literary dependence of one upon the other, or the dependence of both on some cinnmon tradition. Owing to the occurrence in ch. '20 of certain antiijue conceptions U'sp. v.'")

it has commonly been supposed that this is the earlier chapter iso Kuenen, Wellli., Stade, Driver) ; Biulde, on the other hand (so Cheyne), shows good reason for connecting ch. 24 with the.V narratives, in which case it belongs to tlie earlier document, while the archaic colouring of ch. 2t', may be due to the fact that it has undergone less editorial revision tlian the earlier chapter (see esp. 242'*'-)- liudde further argues Irom tlic scene of ch. 25 (.\laon V.2 L.\X'. cf.

2o2ff-) that this chapter came originally between chs. '2:i and 24. probably having been transposed in order to sejjarate the doublets, eiis. 24 and 26. There are other traces of editorial revision in ch. 2:i. especially in the somewhat e.\iig- gerated language of v.''-. and the reduHdant description of D.'s haunts {ih.) is probably the result of contlation. Many regard the covenant of the two friends (vv.^o-'S) as a mere doublet of 2on-23 ; |j);e that passage, the ver.

ses suggest the objection that .lonathan couhl hardly have thus definitely regarded D. as his father's successin-. However this may be, the narrative proceeds smoothly alter the account of .Jonathan's visit, when the trans- position above mentioned has been made. ■While D. was hiding in the hill of Hachilah and the neighbouring desert, the Ziphites sent word of his haunts to Saul, ami at the king's rei|uest began to watch his movement.s, while an army was being collected. D.

meanwhile withdrew southwards to the wilderness of JIaon, on the edge of the Arabah, whither he was jiursued by Saul. At one time, we are told, a single rocky ridge separated the two forces ; but while D. was endeavouring to make good his escape before his band was com- pletely surrounded, Saul was unexpectedly recalled to repel a sudden raiii of the Philistines. Popular tr.adition pointed out the cliff known as Sela- hammahUkiith {i.e. prob.

* Kock of Divisions') as the scene of this narrow escape (23'''"''-'). One of the most detailed and most reliable ac- counts wliieli we possess of the whole period of D.'s wanderings relates to the time when he was DAVID DAVID 565 still ill the region of JIaou. Here dwelt a wealthy liiiiduwiier uamed Nabal, belonging to the Caleb- ites, a tribe closely connected with that of Judah, though originally distinct from it. llis large liocks were pastured on Carniel, S. K.

of Hebron; and not only were they unniok-sted by D.'s men, but the latter had served to protect them from the attacks of nomad tribes. Hearing that Nabal Wiis shearing his sheep, I), sent ten men with a court- eous request for a present for liis band, but was met with a churlish refusal. In wrath D. at once com- manded llis men to arm ; and while a third of the company was left in charge of the baggage, he marched with the rest to avenge the insult re- ceived from Xabal.

Fortunately, Abigail, Nabal's beautiful and prudent wife, had been warned by a .servant of her husband's unseemly conduct. (She immediately caused a large supply of provisions to be prepared, and without informing her husband rode to meet 1). with her jire.sent. She met the armed band coming down the mountain side, and throwing herself at D.'

s feet begged him to accept the gift, and to pay no heed to her husband's in- sults, while she expressed a hope that in time to come no remembrance of blood needlessly shed might rise up to trouble his mind. Her discretion and her [ileadings were not lost on D.; he accepted the present from her hand, and abandoned his pur- pose of vengeance and bloodshed.

When Abigail returned home, she found her husband drunk at a shearing feast, but next morning slie told him of the danger which he had just escaped, l-'ear and vexation caused a shock, of which he died ten days later; and I)., who now felt that J" had indeed defended his cause, took .Abigail to wife. He thus established a powerful family connexion with the south of Judah, and he further increased his influ- ence by marriage with Ahinoam of the southern .Jezreel (cf. Jos 15''').

At the same time his first wife, .Michal, was given by Saul to Paltiel, the son of r.ai.sh, of (iallim (1 S25). It seems to have been after this, according to the original history of A, that David removed to the desert tract west of the Dead Sea, and made his abode in ICngedi, whither he was followed by Saul, after the retreat of the Philistines. We are told that on one occasion Saul entered a large cave for a necessary purpose, at a time when D. and his men were hidden in the reces.

ses of the cave. Though urged by his followers to slay his pursuer, I), refused to harm the ' Anointed of J",' and con- tented himself with cutting off a corner of the long robe which lay spread out before and behind the owner. D. followed Saul as he left the cave, and, holding out the portion of his njlje, showed the king how he had been at the mercy of the man whom he was so relentlessly pursuing ; and he begged him no longer to listen to those who charged D. with conspiring against him.

Saul Wiis touched at this generosity ; and in language which clearly reflects the thoughts of a historian of a later time, he is ma<le to openly acknowledge his rival's superiority, and to recognize him as the future king of Israel (1 S 24). The other version of this story (cli. 2(i), which, though coming from a later document, has preserved many original features lost in ch. 24, places D. in the hill of Ilachilah, and attributes his pursuit hither by Saul to the information of the Ziphites.

One night Saul encamped in a deep valley surrounded by slcu]) cliffs; but the place being discovered by D.'s spies, D., accompanied by Abishai, descended from the hills, and entereil unob.served into the laager where Saul lay slee|iing. Kefusing to allow Abishai to smite a sleeping enemy, he b.ade him carry away Saul's spear and water-cruse ; and when they had again climbed the hill above the camp, D.

shouted aloud, and thus aroused first Abuer, whom he blamed severely for his careless watch, and then Said himself. To Saul, who recognized his voice, D. made a passionate appeal : 'Why did the king continually pursue him ? if ,)" had stirred him up to do so, might he be propitiated with an offering : or were men seeking to drive I). out of J"'s laud ? ' The king confessed that he had sinned, and promised to do 1). no more harm, and the two parted their several ways.

Whatever be the exact details of this meeting, it is clear that 1). felt himself no longer safe in Judah, and as a last resort he passed over to the national enemy, and took refuge with liis family and his followers at the court of Achish, son of Maoch, king of Gath. A tried warrior at the head of tiOO men, he was readily welcomed ; but, not liking to dwell in the cajiital, he asked for a .

settlement of his own, and received the southern town of Ziklag, where he established himself as the vassal of his protector. It wa.s now necessary for IJavid to devise some means of ensuring the confidence of his master without injuring or estranging his own people. Accordingly, he made asucce.ssion of raids upon the Amalekites, Girzites, and other desert tribes living between Egypt and the south of Palestine. By putting to death all who fell into his Iiands, D.

was able to represent to Achish that his frays were directed against Judah, and against the allied tribes of the Kenites and Jerahnieelitts (1 S 27). He had been living at Ziklag some Ki months (v.'), when the Philistines prepared for a decisive struggle against Israel. Achish called upon his vassal to accompany him to the war, and D. with professions of fidelity responded to the call. He had now placed him.self in a false and dangerous position.

Even if he were willing to aid the Philistines against his fellow-countrymen, success ill the war would liave effectually prevented him from becoming the accepted leader of Israel. Fortunately, the other Phil, leaders were less ready than Acliish to trust him. When D.

and his troops appeared in the rearguard with Achish at Aphek, as the Philistine hosts were mustering, the princes protested against the presence of the famed Lsraelitish leader, and urged that treachery to them in battle would be the surest way to a reconciliation with the king of Isi-ael. Achish was therefore reluctantly compelled to bid D. dejiart, and next morning he turned homewards with his men (clis. 28'f- 2i»).

Two days later they reached Ziklag, to find that a sudden raid of the Amalekites had laid the town in ruins and carried the inhabitants cap- tive. D. was the first to recover his composure, and, encouraged by an answer from J" given through the epiiod of Abiathar, he started to pur- sue the foe. At the brook He.sor, probably the W'aibj h'sheria south of Gaza, 2(10 of his men were compelled to remain, overcome by fatigue. The pursuit, however, wa.s continued, and .an Kgyp.

slave, who was found half di'ad in the way, offered in return for a promise of life and liberty to guide D. to the enemy's encampment. The Amalekites were surprised at dusk while feasting, and few of the men escaped. All the captives were recovereil, and a large booty was taken. On the return to the brook Hesor, a (lispute arose as to the right of the men who liad been left there to share in the spoil. D.

, however, decided in their favour, and thus established the |)rinciple that those who fought and those who guarded the baggage should share alike. Of the rich spoil 1). had a further u.se to make, for he sent costly presents to the elders of Hebron and other towns in the south of Jii<lali, where he had been accustomed to find shelter during his earlier outlaw life (ch. SO). In this way he .secured friends whose assistance was soon to be of the highest imiiortance to him.

It would seem, indeed, that these presents were sent after the 566 DAVID DAVID battle of Gilboa, for it was only two days after his return to Ziklai; that 1). heard of the defeat of Israel and the death of Saul and his three eldest sons. The tidings were brought by a young Amalekite, who is said to have presented to D. the royal crown and bracelet ; but the account given by him of the death of Saul (2 S 1'"'") cannot be reconciled with the more reliable narrative in 1 S 31.

The messenger was rewarded for his tid- ings by being at once put to death (2 S li^"">, cf. 4'") ; the defeat of Israel was commemorated with mourning and fasting, while ]). himself expressed in a beautiful ode his grief for Saul and Jt>nathan. Of both he speaks in tones of warmest respect and affection ; his love for Jonathan is expressed in a burst of passionate feeling ; but it is noticeable that no religious thoughts are contained in the poem.

Its genuineness is not unquestioned, but its Davidic authorship is accepted by Kuenen, Wellh., Stade, Budde, Cheyne, Driver, and others. The opportunity had at last arrived for D. to return to his native country. After inquiring of J", he removed to Hebron, the ancient sacred city of Judah, accompanied by his family and his followers with their households. His presents had already gained hira the goodwill of the .

ludisan elders ; a renowned warrior of their own tribe was more likely to defend their interests than a younger descendant of the house of Saul ; and D. was forthwith anointed king in Hebron (2 S 21-'). We hear of no opposition on the part of the Philistines. V. still retained Ziklag (1 S 27"!), and doubtless continued to be a Philistine vassal. A division of the Isr. kingdom was conducive to the Philistine supremacy.

According to the Chronicler, he had received accessions to his forces, outside his own tribe, while still at Ziklag ; twenty-two men are named of Saul's tribe (1 Ch 12i-'), while of the tribe of Mana.sseh several chiefs are said to have deserted to D., when he came with the Phil, array against Saul, and to have assisted him against the Amalekites (ih. vv. i^, ).

The Chronicler, indeed, makes no direct mention of the reign of Eshbaal (Islibosheth), or of the division of the kingdom, but in reality there were still several years of fighting and waiting before D. was recognized as king over all Israel. D.'s first public act was at once generous and politic. He sent messengers to the men of Jabesh- gilead, and thanked them for their loyal and courageous conduct in rescuing tlie bodies of Saul and his sons.

But the adherents of the house of Saul still remained true to the family. The natural heir to the throne was the only surviving legitimate son of the late king, Ishljosheth, or rather Eshbaal (1 Ch 8**), who was perhaps still inider age ; for the later gloss in 2 S'i''' is certainly incorrect. His kinsman Abner, Saul's powerful general, retired with him across the .Jordan to the ancient city of Malianaim, and tliere made Eshbaal king. His dominions e,\tended over Gilead and (Jesliur (Vulg.

and Syr.), and on the west of Jordan over Jezreel, Ephraim, and Benjamin ; but Abner was the real niler and the support of the dynasty, and perhaps he, too, was compelled to recognize the over-lordship of the Philistines (so Kamphausen). Hegarding the seven years during which I), reigned at Hebron we have but the scantiest information. He seems to have acted on the defensive, and probably felt that his cau.se would gain by waiting.

Possibly, it was only by degrees tliat Abner extended his authority, so that some time elapsed before the rival forces were brought into collision. Only of one engagement is any account given ; .loab's followers were vic- torious, but in the flight Abner killed Asahel, Joab's youngest brother. The cause of Eshbaal was declining even before he alienated his pro- tector Abner, whom he reproached for taking one of his father's concubines. In anger Abner entered into communication with D.

, offering to bring over the whole kingdom into his hands. The only con- dition made by D. was the restoration of his wife Michal, through whom he doubtless hoped to sup- port his claim as Saul's successor. Michal was sent back by Eshbaal's orders, and Abner conferred with tlie ciders of the various tribes, who had already begun to recognize tlie inability of the house of Saul to defend them against their foes, and to look to I), as the one hope of the nation.

Abner then visited Hebron, where he was entertained by D.; but on his departure he was murdered by Joab, in revenge for his brother Asahel. D. already began to find his loyal but unscrupulous nephew too strong for him.

He could only express his abhor- rence of the murder, which was indeed likely to alienate the supporters of Saul's house, and cause Abner to be honourably buried in Hebron, while he himself composed the funeral dirge — conduct which further increased the king's popularity (2 S 3). The death of Abner could not long delay the fall of Eshbaal ; two Benjamite captains shortly afterwards murdered him during his mid- day sleep, and brought his head to D. in Hebron.

The king commanded the instant execution of the murderers, while Eshbaal's head was buried in the tomb of Abner (ch. 4). D., who had formerly led Israel to victory against the Philistines, was now recognized as the natural leader of the people ; the elders of the nation assembled at Hebron, a solemn league was made, and J), anointed king over the whole of Israel. He is said to have been at this time 37 years of age (2 S S^-^).

The Chronicler gives an account of the bodies of men sent by the different tribes to make D. king, and of the three days' feast which they kept at Hebron ( 1 Ch 12-3-*)) ; but the language lised is that of a later time, the numbers given are in most cases certainly too large, while the position assigned to the contingent of priests and Levites does not increase our confidence in the narrative. Except for the important record of events in Il.'

s family, our accounts of his reign are fragmentary and incomplete ; our history is not arranged in a strictly chronological manner, and the time and order of events must be to some extent a matter of conjecture. In spite of the present arrangement of 2 S 5, there can be little doubt that the I'hil. wars were the first important events after D.'s recognition by the whole nation. The task im- posed upon him by his election as king was that of freeing his country from Phil, domination.

It was no longer possible for him to continue a vassal to a foreign power, nor were the Philistines likely to acipiiesce, when without their consent he a.ssumed sovereignty over all I.srael. When, therefore, ' the Phil, heard that they had anointed 1). king over Israel' (2 S 5'"), they at once invaded the country. D. seems to have been unprepared, and was com- pelled ' to go down to the hold,' i.e.

probably the old stronghold of AduUain, of such importance during his outlaw life, while the Philistines penetrated to the heart of the country and occupied Bethle- hem and the Valley of Repliaim, probably between Bethlehem and Jerusalem (2 S 2:^^*'- ; so Stade, and Kittel who places the valley of Kephaim north of Jerusalem). Of the duration and progress of the war we have no certain information, but some detached notices of it have been preserved. It was while the Philistines had a garri.

son in Beth- lehem that the tliree ' mighty men ' forced their way to the well by the gate, to bring D. a draught of water for wliich he had expressed a wish ; but the gift obtained at such a risk was too precious to tirink, and D. poured out the water as an oSering to J" (2 S 23>»-"). Other incidents of the DAVID DAVID 567 war are recorded in 2 S 21'*-''^. At Gob D. was nearly slain in combat with a giant, but rescued by Abisliai, and in consequence D.'

s men declared that he should no longer risk his life in battle. On another occasion Klhanau of Betlilehem slew Goliath of G.ath, and other feats of D.'s heroes are recorded (2 S 23'-'-). A decisive battle was fought at Baal-perazini, where I)., encouraged by an oracle, attacked his enemies, and dispersed them ' like a breach of waters,' and the images of the enemy were carried off as booty (2 S 5'*, ', cf. Is 28-'). Another decisive engagement took place in the valley of Kephaim.

I), on inquiring of J" was bidden not to make a direct attack, i.e. from the south, but to take the enemy in the rear, and attack them when a rustling noise was heard in the Hitca trees. He was again completely successful, and the Philistines were defeated from Gibeon to Gezer ( 1 Ch 14'*-'", 2 S r>, -'^) . Following up his victories, L). destroyed the Philistine supremacy, taking from them, as is said, ' the bridle of the mother city ' (2 S 8'). The importance of the.

se victories nmst liave been far greater than tlie scanty notices of them would at first suggest. The nation was now freed from external oppres- sion : the next task was to weld it into one wliole. A great step towards this end was the capture of Jebus, and the creation of a new capital. A Can. tribe still unsubdued occupied the district between Judah and Benjamin, settled round the city of .lebus. from which they derived their name. The strong fortress of Zion, .

standing on the ea-stern ridge between the Kidron and the so-called Tyro- poean valley, protected their city (see .Iinjfs.M.KM). Situated as it was in the centre of the land, and commanding the principal lines of communication benveen north and south, and between east and west, it was admirably suited for a capital ; and here I). marclie<i with his forces. The inhabitants, trust- ing in their strong walls, derisively declared that ' the blind and lame ' would be .sufficient to defend them.

Nevertheless, the place was taken by storm (2 S 5'-'"). According to 1 Ch 11« Joab was the first to scale the walls, and received in reward the post of commander-in-chief. The city was newly fortified, and here D. removed with his family and court. The importance of this step can hardly be overestimated. Gibeah of Saul and Hebron were merely tribal capitals ; .lerus. stood on neutral ground, and was the capital of the wliole nation, while, bordering alike on .

Judah and Benjamin, it would be regarded witli favour by the king's own tribe and by that of his predecessor. The choice of the site is a signal proof of D.'s genius and statesmanship. Here gathered now iidiabitants from all Israel, but mainly, no doubt, from .hidah and Benjamin, while, to judge from the case of Araiinah (2 S 24"*-^), the original Jebusite population was allowed to retain its former po.s.scssions. The effects of the capture of Jems, were felt beyond the borders of Israel.

Hirain, king of Tyre, entered into friendly relations with D., and .supplied him with builders ami material for a palace in his new capital. In true Driental fashion I), marked the fresh increase of his power by increasing his harem. While still in Hebron he had married four more wives, and had already six sons: Amnon the firstborn, the son of Ahinoam of Jezreel ; Chileab the son of the prudent Abigail ; Ab.

salom the son of Maacah, daughter of Talinai, the Arannfan king of Geshur ; Ailonijah the son of llaggith ; Sheplialiah the .son of Ahilal ; and Ithream the son of Kglah (2 S ;i, " ; cf. 1 Ch .i'-^, where Daniel is put for C^hileab). Michal, who liad been restored to David, unfortun- ately bore no chihlren ; <Uherwise the grandson of Saul would have been the natural heir to the throne, and the siibsc(|ni'nt disputes with regard to the succession would have been avoided.

On re- moving to Jerusalem D. look fresh wives and concu- bines from this place, and the names of several more sons are recorded (2 S S'^"-, 1 Ch 3^' 14*-" ; on variations in the three lists, cf. Driver, Text of Sam.) We umst not judge 1). herein from a modern Western standpoint. In the East a man's wealth and power are to a great extent measured by the number of his wives and the size of his family ; and by politic alliances, as, for example, with the daughter of the king of Geshur, 1).

in- creased his influence at home and abroad. At the same time he introduced into his capital the source of many of the dangers and corruptions of an Oiiintal court, and the evil was increased by the weak affection with which D. treated his favourite sons. The next measure was to make the political capital also the religious centre of the nation ; and for this purpose 1). resolved to bring up to ,Jerus.

the old sacred ark, which had for many years been left at Kiriath-jearim (1 S 7', or liaal-judah (2 S 62; cf. Jos lo^i"), 1 Ch IS"). Thither D. went with a large number of Israelites ; the ark was drawn in a new cart, accompanied by two of its attendants, Uzzah and Ahio ; while D. and his subjects marched behind to the strains of festal music. But at Nacon's threshing-floor, probably not far from Jerus., Uzzah, while attempting to steady the ark, suddenly fell dead.

Dismayed at this occur- rence, D. was afraid to have so dangerous a symbol near him, and the ark was placed in the house of Obed-edom the Gittite, probably one of David's Philistine mercenaries. Three months later, how- ever, on hearing that the ark had brought blessing upon this house, I), took courage to carry out his original design. This time the ark was safely carried in triumph into the ' city of David,' while the king him.self.

wearing a priestly linen ephod, danced in the procession before it. A tent had already been jirejiared for its reception in the citadel; here solemn sacrifices were offered, after which the people were dismi.s.sed with the king's blessing and gifts of food. When D.

returned to his house, he had to meet the scoffs of Michal, who taunted him with his undignified appearance in th(^ procession that day ; but the king with true dignity expressed his readiness to dance before J", who had chosen him above the house of .Saul. To this irreverence of Michal's was attributed the fact that .she remained childless : but she had at this time been married some fifteen or twenty years.

It Is Instructive to rninpare with Hio imrrdtive of '2 S 6 tlio acc'oiiiil 1,'iven by tlie Chronicler of llie lirinpliip of llie nrk to .terns. (1 Ch 1.3. l."i. 101. The old history Is lurufly rewritten to brinjr it Into acconlanco with later ideas and Inslltutloiis. An ininortant place in the ceremonial is a.ssipned to the priests and Lcvites, who in the older version are conspicuous by their absence ; Obed-edoui of Gatb bccoinos a Levitical musician and doorkeeper.

The contrast between the simple tent for the ark and his own palace suggested to D. the need of building some more permanent tem]ile; lint the king's adviser, the prophet Nathan, who had at first approved of the design, siili.sci|ueiitly indnced D. to abandon it. Possibly, both prophet and people feared the effects of innovations in religions matters. Nathan's message to I), is contained in 2 S 7, a chapter which in its jiresent form shows the indiience of Dent.

, but is in the main of somi>- what earlier date (see Bud<le). There wo are told how Nathan, the night after his apjiroval of D.'s design, received from God a message for the king : Never yet hiid J" required <a temple of the judges of His iieople ; tent and tabernacle h.ad been snfUcienl hitherto. D. should not build a hon.se for Him ; He would build a house (i.e. a line of descendants) for I). ; and though D.'

s seed might need to be chastised, God's mercy should not depart 568 DAVID DAVID from lliera, (v.i', which speaks of D.'s successor, who was to build a temple for J", seems not to belong to the orifjinal form of the chapter ; it weakens the antithesis of vv.'- and "). This message is followed by a beautiful prayer, in which D. thanks God for all His goodness to himself and his people. It was probably soon after his settlement in Jerus. that D.

, in remembrance of his covenant with Jonathan, inquired whether there remained yet any survivors of Saul's house, whom he might benefit for the sake of his friend. He was told that there was still a son of Jonathan, and at 11.

's orders Mephibosheth or Meribaal (1 Ch 8'" 9*') was brought from the house of Machir at Lo-debar ; the properly of Saul, apparently confiscated, was restored to him, and given to Ziba, a former servant of Saul's family, who was to till the ground for his master, while Meribaal dwelt at Jerus., where his conduct would be under the royal super- vision, and ate at the king's table. Meribaal was lame, having been dropped by his nurse as she fled on hearing of the Israelite defeat at Mt. (Jilboa.

He was then five years old ; now he is descrilied as having a young son, an indication that these events took place some ten years after I>. became king over all Israel. With other descendants of Saul, however, D. was compelled shortly afterwards to deal in a different manner. The land was afflicteii with drought, and con- sequent famine, fur three years, and D.

, on inquir- ing of the sacred oracle, was told that a curse of blood rested upon the land, because of an attempt made by Saul to exterminate the Gibeonites, an Amorite tribe bound by a covenant to Israel. The only compensation which the Gibeonites would accept was that seven of Saul's sons should be put to death ; and D. delivered to them the two sons of Saul's concubine Rizpah, and five sons of his daughter Merab (MT wrongly Michal).

These were accordingly hanged to J" in the sacred hill of Gibeon (cf. Driver, Text of Sam.), while the corpses were lovingly watched by the devoted Rizpah, till the first rains showed that the atone- ment was accepted. Then U., in recognition of the mother's devotion, gave orders for the burial of the corpses ; and the bones, as well as those of Saul and Jonathan, were interred in the ancestral sepulchre of Kish ('2 S 21'-'*). This occurrence nm.

st be placed after the recognition of Meribaal (v."), but before the rebellion of Absalom (2 S 10*). AVe have no right to blame D.'s action in this matter ; he acted in accordance with the religious beliefs of his time, and with what he conceived to be the best interests of the nation ; and, in spite of Shimei's reproaches, we may believe that D.'s con- temporaries regarded the matter in the same light as himself. Under D.

the kingdom was more completely organized than it liad been under his predecessor, and the administration was intrusted to royal officers (2 S S^''-'^, 20-^2')- Foremost of these was Joab the .son of Zeruiah, D.'s nephew, who was connnander-in-chief of the whole army ; the scribe or cbanci'llor, to whom belonged the control of all official documents, was Shisha (IK 4''; corrupt readings in 2 S 8" 20-^, 1 Ch 18'0) ; the slate his- torian or chronicler {mmklr, i.e.

remembrancer), Jehoshaphat the son of Ahilud ; Adoram controlled the levy, i.e. the forced service exacted by the king from his subjects ; at the head of the priesthood, beside Abiathar, tlie representative of the house of Eli, stood Zadok, the ancestor of the later priestly house, but of his origin or aiipointment no authentic information is preserved ; Ira, a .Manass- ite of the family of Jair, was another prie.st, and D.'s sons also performed priestly duties.

Traces of a royal council are to be fnund in allusions to Ahilliophel, D.'s counsellor (2 S 15'-), and to Hushai, D.'s friend {ib. v."', cf. 1 K 4^). A very important institution was that of the royal body- guard, taking the placid of the ' runners ' of Saul (1 S 22'"). The nucleus of it was doubtless David's old band, which had accompanied him during his wanderings and his residence at Ziklag.

The technical name of this force was the Gibborim, heroes or mighty men ; and their numbers were probably kept at the traditional (iOO. They were now largely recruited from foreigners, especially Philistines and Cherethites, a people of the south of Palestine (1 S SO'*, Zeph 2°), perhaps originally con- necte<l with Crete ; hence the guards were commonly called ihe Cherethites and Pelethites (wh. see).

That these were the same body as the Gibborim appears from 1 K l^- ")• as : the text of 2 S 15' is too uncertain to form an argument to the contrary. The whole corps was under the command of Benaiah the son of Jehoiada. Included in or distinct from this guard, was a select body of Thirtij distinguished for special valour, over whom was Abishai, the brother of Joab; while Three warriors are named as ranking even higher than Abishai and Benaiah (2 S 23-^^, and cf. Driver, ad lot:.')

This guard of experienced soldiers formed the only standing army in the kingdom ; and being stationed in the capital (cf. 2 S ll*"'-, Neh Z^'') they became a powerful support to the king's authority, and ensured the discharge of his orders. As will appear later, they played an important part at the accession of Solomon. For war on a large scale the army still consisted of the whole male population of military age, who were summoned to arms in time of danger.

The force seems to have consisted wholly of infantry, except for a few chariots and horses retained after the defeat of Hadadezer (2 S 8<). But when D.'s wars of foreign conquest began to involve pro- tracted campaigns, and long absence from home, some new system became desirable. It was per- haps partly to meet these requirements that D.

instituted the census, which was carried out evi- dently after the completion of the Syrian wars, for his officers travelled as far north as the Hittite city of Kadesh (2 S 24", LXX. Luc. ). The military aspect of this measure is clear from its being intrusted to Joab and the captains of the host (v.-i, 1 Ch 21-) ; but the census may have been also intended as a basis for a regitlar system of fixed taxation, to meet the needs of an organized government.

The measure was regarded with suspicion, perhaps as involving an undue increase of royal authority, and even Joab protested against it ; nevertheless, he carried out his task in it months and 20 days. A severe pestilence, which visited the land immediately afterwards, was re- garded by I), and the people as a sign of the divine displeasure. We are told that the prophet (iad offered D.

the choice of three punishments — three years' famine (LXX, 1 Ch), three months' flight before his enemies, or three days' ])estilence ; and that the king chose the hust, preferring to fall into the hand of God rather than of man. But when Ihe destroying .angel reached Jerus., he was bidden, in consequence of D.'s penitence, to stay his hand ; and D.

, at Gad's bidding, bought the threshing- floor of Araunah or Oman (Ch) the Jebusite, and offered there a sacrifice, whereby he obtained from God mercy for the land (2 S 24). The place of sacrifice became afterwards the site of Solomon's temple (2 Ch .''). The narrative shows that we must not expect to (ind for D.'s reign careful records of the numbers and divisions of the people.

Yet such statistics are presupposed by the Chron- icler, who in his account of David's armies and officers (1 Ch 23-27) describes a far more numerous and elaborately organized body of religious and DAVID civil and military officials than is likely to have existed in the time of David. Fragments of old records may be incorporated in his work (p.y.

I Ch :)7Ji-ai) ; but the older history shows no trace of the thousands of Levitis, or of the bodies of 24,000 nun continually under arms (1 Ch 27i-i») of which the later historian speaks. Of most of D. '8 wors wo possess but a short summary In 2 S S ; 111.- Atniiionltc war, on account of its connexion witli Bntli- slu-Nn's liiftory, is related at Ion<rtli. The complete victory over tlif Phtli.stines C^'t has been already name<l. For some un- i-\plaine<l reas«ni l>.

made war on Muab, where his parents hat\ furrnerlv tjiken refupe. and. on contiuerintr the country, treated it with" preat severitv, puttinp to death two-thirds of the prisoners. The exploits of Beuaiah (2 S •Jii") may be referred to this campaign. Moab now became tributary. The next war was provoked liv tlie neiKhbouriiii; Ammonites. Their kinj;, Nahnsh. Saul's enemy (I S 11), had shown himself friendly to 1>.. ami on liis death" 1>. sent an emilassy of condolence to his successor llanun.

liut llanun, suspicious of D.'s intentions, and perhaps alarmed by the subjus^ation of Moab. dismissed the messeiisers with i,'niss"insults. The Ammonites knew that they must now prepare for war, and sou(?ht for alliances among the small .\ramiean kincdoms of Zobah. lieth-reliob, Maacah, and Tob. which were united in a common interest to check the rlsintj power of Israel. Joab, «ith the Isr. army, marched out to Kabbah, the .

Vmmonite capital, and, linding an enemy opposlnir him on both sides, divided his forces. With the ].lcked troops he prepared to meet the Araiuiean allies, .SS.duO stront'. while the rest of the army he placed under the com- mand of his brother Abishai, to confront the Ammonites. The rout of the ^^vrians by Joab was the siu'nal for the Hipht of the Ammonites within tlie walls of their ca[iitjil. and thus ended the tirst campait:n.

The next year Iladadezer, kint: of Zobah, summoned to Ills assistance allies from beyond the Kuj)hrates. Tile whole Aramiean force, under his general Shobach. was encamped at llelam, where D. himself, having crossed vho .)or<lan at the lie:ul of the whole Isr. army, attacked them, and delealed tlu-in with ffreat slaufrhtcr. Shobach beint; ainonj; the slain. All the cluiriot-horses which were captured were dis- atileii, with tlie exception of suHlcient for a hundred chariots.

Tlie summar>- (s=) seems to speak of another frreat victory won bv I)., when'the Svrians of Damascus came to the assistance of llmladezer. Zobafi now made peace with Israel ; prefects were ajipointed in Damascus and elsewhere, and. in addition to Dumerous jiresents, D. brought back to .lerus. thegoltlen shields of Ila4la4le/er's guard, and large quantities of brass from two of his treasure cities. An alliance was made between I), and Tou (v."- LX.K, 1 Ch ls«-), king of llamath.

and liadoram (I t'h Is'") the son of Tou was sent with presents and greetings to David. Tliese and other treasures, including spoil taken from the .■\ malekltes, D. is said to have dedicAle*! to .1 " (2 S &'"). Ammon remained unsubdued, but in a third cjimpalgn ,Ioab besieged Kabbah, and at last succeeded In capturing the part known as ' the city of waters,' As the fall of tlie whole city was now assured,' Joab summoned D. from .Jerus.

, that the king himself might have the glory of the conquest. I), a/lvanced with a fresh armv. and coiiiplctod the capture of Kabl>ah. A largo amount of spoil fell into ills hands, Inclinling the costly gold crown of the Idol Mllcoin (ilVm, see 2 S l-J^-"'). The [irisoners, acconling to the ordinary translation of 12', were tortured and treated with great cruelty. There are. however, ditticulties about the rendering of the verse ; a slight change of read- ing tT3y'T for T?!?

^, see RVm) would give the meaning that the peojdo were reduce<l to servitude (so Ilotrmann, Kautzsch, Itriver rdoul>tfully] ; Stado regards the verse as cornijit). The last of D.'s foreign conquests was tliat of Kdom, but we have only a few disconnected allusions to the war. It appears that D. gainecl a great victory in the Valley of Salt alter his Syrian campaign (2 S S'"- LXX. 1 Ch Isu'-. >» (11) Utle). Ity this conquest he obtained command of the ports on the Ked Sea.

Prelects were appointed throughout the country, and for six miuiths .loab remaineil in Kdom, to destrov the male population tl K ll'«). It now remains to relate certain events in D.'s own family which troubled the later years of his rei'.'ii. During the Aniiiinnile war, D., who had remaini-d in .lerus., coniniilted adultery with Batlisheba, the wife of one of his officers then serviiif; before Kabbah.

In hopes of concealing his puilt lie sent for I'riali ; but the latter, who had perha))s heard rumours of what had tjiken place, refiused. on the plea of niililary duty, to see his wife. Thcreupnn I), sent orders to .loab to place Uriali in a post of danger, and ensure his death. When the husband was dead, and the time of mourning past, IJathsheba was taken into the royal harem. The story was doubtless not un- known in Jerus.

; the moral sense of the people found expression through Nathan the iirophet, who by means of a parable boldly relinked David ; and tlinu','h on the king's confessing his guilt tlie DAVID 5t5'J prophet assured him of forgiveness, he predicted the death of Bathsheba's newly-bom child. (2 S 1210-iJ ate perha|is a later edition, a true comment on the subsequent history ; for it has been pointed out that with the old Ileb.

ideas of guilt and penalty it is hardly consistent to regard the sin as forgiven [v.i''J while the curse remains. So Kuenen, Weilh., Stade.) In spite of all D.'s prayers and fastings, the child died ; but in due time a second son was born to Bath.sheba, the future king Solomon (2 S 11. 12i-^). It was probably not long afterwards that the fruit of D.'s evil example appeared. His eldest son Amnon outraged his half-sister Tamar, and when D.

, though greatly displeased, yet partly from partiality for his firstborn (13-' LXX), partly perhaps from the remembrance of his own guilt, failed to punish the offender, the duty of avenging the maiden's wrong fell to her own brother Absalom. He waited his opportunity for two years, and then caused Amnon to be murdered at a sheep-shearing feast, to which all the king's sons had been invited. Absalom fled to the court of his grandfather, the king of Ijeshur. D.

mourned long for his firstborn, then his longings turned to the son in exile ; but out of season he coulil sliow severity. For three years Absalom remained in banishment ; then .loab, divining the king's secret feelings, by the instrumentality of the woman of Tekoa procured his recall. For two years longer Absalom was excluded from the court, until he compelled Joab to intercede for him ; then he was brought to the king, and received a kiss of recon- ciliaticm (2 S i:!. 14).

After the death of Amnon, and probably also of Chileab, Absalom was the natural heir to the throne. He was now com- ])letely estranged from his father, and soon began to endeavour to supjilant him. To impress the people, he assumed royal state ; to gain their favour, he would stand by the gate to meet all who came to the king with their suits, and lament that he was not king to do them justice. Thus he 'stole the hearts of tlie men of Israel.' There is no evidence that 1).

, who used to 'execute judg- ments and justice to .all his people' (2 S 8'*), now neglected to do .so. The stories of Nathan and the woman of Tekoa iniiily the contrary, but with the extension of tlie borders of Israel the number of suits may well have increased beyond the king's power to deal with them.

We cannot say whether the crimes in the royal household had shaken the loyalty of the people, — in certain matters the nation at large did not show itself very sensitive to moral irregularities (2 S Ki-i, '), — but it is probable that at Hebron the removal of the capital to Jerus. was still a grievance, and the tribesmen of .ludah seem to have considered themselves not sufficiently favoured by the king.

Absalom made prepara- tions for four years (\i>' LXX, Luc), then under pretence of a vow he visited the old sacred city of Hebron. Here he was joined by D.'s counsellor, Ahithophel of Giloli, perhaps the grandfather nf Hath.sheba (of. 2 S ll^2:!'»), and Absalom's rebel- lion was proclaimed by messengers throughout the country. I), was taken entirely by sur|irise, and resolved to withdraw at once from Jerusalem. If he escaped the first .

attack of the conspirators, he pcssessed better troops than were to be found <in the other side. Delay would increase the dillioul- ties of his op])onents, and give his supporters time to rally. Leaving the palace in charge of ten concubines, he cro.ssed the Kidron, accompanied by his household .and bodyguard, amid the weeji- ingof Ihe whole lanil, and took the ro.ad by Olivet to Jordan. Many traits of D.'

s character are brought out during this llight, — the devotion which he inspired in his folluweis, when Ittai of (J.ath, thinigli but a .

short time in his service, refused to D70 DAVID DAVID leave him ; his piety and confitU-nce, when he commanded the priests to carry back the ark, trusting to J", without any outward symbol of Ills presence ; his craft and dissimulation, when lie bade Ilushai ingratiate himself with Absalom, and try to frustrate his plans ; his prudence, in estab- lishing communications between himself and the capital by means of Aliimaaz and Jonathan; his impetuous lia.

sliness in judgment, when he promised Ziba the lands of Meribaal ; and at the same time his submission and forbearance, when he endured the curses of Shimei because J" had bidden him, and urged that a Benjamite had more riglit than his own son to seek his life (2 S 15. lU'-"). D.'s plan of meeting treachery by treachery was successful. By Ahithophel's advice, Absalom did take over his father's concubines as a token of succession to his throne ; but, instead of pursuing D.

at once, he accepted the counsel of Hushai, to wait till he could muster troops from the whole country. Ahithophel, who realized the artificial nature of the enthusiasm for Absalom, foresaw that this delay was fatal to the rebellion, and forthwith hanged himself. Warned by the two priests' sons, Ahimaaz and Jonathan, of the need of haste, 1). and his followers crossed the Jordan in safety before daybreak.

He took up his head- quarters at Mahanaim, the former capital of Eshbaal, and there received support from Shobi, the son of his old protector the king of Ammon, who may now have been a vassal prince ; from Machir, the guardian of Meribaal, and from a wealthy Gileadite named Barzillai (Iti'^-IT). Ab- salom was the first to act on the offensive, and crossed the Jordan with his army. D.

was pre- vented from going into battle by the entreaty of the people, who urged that he was worth 10,000 of them ; but he publicly charged his generals, Joab, Abishai, and Ittai, to deal gently with Absalom. Joab knew that he was strong enough to disobey, and tliat the death of the leader would put an end to the rebellion. D.'s soldiers were victorious, and Joab himself slew Absalom as he hung in the branches of a large terebinth. D.

by the gate of Mahanaim awaited anxiously the issue of the day ; then he forgot all else in his passionate grief for his ungrateful son. Joab, however, roused him to put his duty as a king above his private feelings as a father, and 1). returned to the gate to receive the greetings of his servants who had risked their lives for him (18-198). Only tact and diplomacy were now required to bring about the king's return.

Among the tribes of Israel a speedy revulsion of feeling took place, and they repented of their ingratitude to the king who had saved them from their enemies. But Judah still stood aloof ; D. therefore sent to Zadok and Abiatbar, to influence in his behalf the elder.s of his own tribe, and to urge them not to be behind the rest of Israel in bringing back their king.

At the same time he sent a special message to Amasa, the son of his sister Abigail, whom Absalom had made commander-in-chief, and swore to give him the office now held by the self-willed Joab. The men of Judah were soon won over ; and when, in re- sponse to their invitation, tlie king returned homewards, the trihe assembled at Gilgal on the Jordan to welcome him. Shimei came with them at the head of a thousand Benjamites, and im- plored D.'s pardon, which was freely granted.

In spite of Abishai's remonstrance, D. would not have the day of his triunqih marred by putting any man to death. To Meribaal, however, who also came to meet the king, D. gave less than justice. Meribaal charged Ziba with slandering him, and failing to provide him with an ass to follow D. in his flight ; Ziba had said that his master was wait- ing in Jerus. in hopes of recovering his grandfather's throne. It was not easy to decide where the truth lay, and D.

hastily dismissed the matter by bid- ding the two divide the land. Tlie king appears in a more favourable light when he turns to reward his benefactors. He pressed the aged Bar- zillai, who accompanied him to Jordan, to come and live with liim in Jerus. ; and when Barzillai pleaded to be excused, on the ground of his great age, his son Chimhaui was allowed to take his place and be the recipient of the royal favours. But even before the king reached Jerus.

it appeared that he had not succeeded in conciliating Judah without exciting the jealousy of the other tribes. While he had sent special messengers to his own tribesmen, he had taken no notice of the half- expres.sed goodwill of the rest of Israel. When therefore, at Gilgal, half the host of Israel came to escort D. liome, they complained that the men of Judah had stolen him away ; they had been slighted, although they had ten parts in the king, and the rights of the firstborn (2 S 19*' LXX).

A sharp disjjute arose between the two sections of the nation, and a Benjamite, Sheba the son of Bichri, gave the signal for a fresh revolt. The men of Israel followed him, renouncing all part in the son of Jesse, while the men of Judah accompanied D. to Jerusalem. It wa-s necessary to take immediate steps against the rebels. D. therefore bade Amasa assemble the forces of Judah within three days, thus tacitly depriving Joab of the supreme com- mand.

Amasa delayed beyond the appointed time, and 1). was compelled to have recourse again to his old tried general. Joab (20*' Pesh., MT Abishai) was bidden to take the royal bodyguard, ' the mighty men,' and pursue after Sheba. At Gibeon Amasa met him. It might have been expected how Joab would treat his rival ; he took his oppor- tunity to murder him, and then, with his troops, hastened to Abel-beth-maacah, a town in the far north of the country, where Sheba had taken refuge.

To save the town the inhabitants delivered up Slieba's head, and the rebellion was at an end (10'-20"). From 2 S 24i' we may perhaps infer with Ewald that Absalom's rebellion lasted for three months. Some years must have elapsed before the closing scene of D.'s life.

The old warrior, who at the time of Absalom's rebellion was never without resource, and had to be kept back by his soldiers from the battle, is now seen in the feebleness of extreme old age, kept within the palace, where no clothing will supply warmth to his bodily frame, and he is nursed by a fair young damsel of Shunem, named Abishag. He had neglected to make any definite arrangements with regard to the succession to the throne, but his eldest surviving son was generally regarded as the heir.

This was ^Vdoiiijah, a young man of great beauty, who had always been indulged by liis fond father. Like Absalom before him, he assumed the state appropriate to the heir-apparent. On his side were most of D.'s older supporters, including Joab and Abiathar, but another party in the palace favoured Solomon, the son of D.'s favourite wife, Bathsheba.

To the latter belonged the prophet Nathan, who perhaps felt that Adonijah was not the tittest man to rule, Zadok, the younger and probably rival ))riest, and Benaiah the captain of the bodyguard. An obvious danger awaited the unsuccessful aspirant to the throne after D.'s death (cf. 1 K 1-'). and Adonijah resolved to make in good time a public declaration of his claims. He invited his supporters, including the king's sons and the royal othcers of the tribe of Judah, to a feast at the .

sacred stone of Zoheleth, at the lower end of the Kidrou Valley, and here the guests are said to have greeted Adonijah as already king. But tidings of this step were brought by DAVID Nathan to Batlislieba, and at the prophet's advice she informed tlie king, and reminded him of a promise tliat her son should rei^n. liy agreement Nathan came iu and confirmed lier words, where- upon D. repeated with an oath to Bathsheba the promise that Solomon should succeed.

Then, rousing himself to act, the old king commanded Nathan, Zadok, and Benaiah to place Solomon on the royal mule, conduct him to the spring of Gihon, and solemnly proclaim him king. The support of Benaiah and the troops would make opposition useless. D.'s orders were carried out, Solomon was anointed, and a rejoicing crowd escorted the young king back to the city to set him on the royal throne. The shouts from Gihon.

half-way up the Kidron Valley, had reached Adonijah at his feast, when Jonathan the son of Abialhar came in with news of Solomon's corona- tion. The guests fled, and Adonijah took sanctuary at the altar, but received from Solomon a promise of his life on condition of good conduct (1 K 1). Our narrative in 1 K 2'-'- gives us an unplcasing picture of D.'s last days, lie is represented as counselling Solomon to do good to Barzillai, but not to let Joab or Shimei die in peace.

The genuineness of the narrative is much disputed. Vv., ' are doubtle.ss a later edition by a Deutero- nomic editor; Wellh.. Stade, Kautz.sch reject the whole of vv.i-«; but it seems more probable that w.^« formed part of the original document (.so Kuenen, Budde, Kittel. Cheyne). Their historical character is another question, which can only be judged on subjective grounds. It is argued, with considerable exaggeration, that 1).

was too infirm to trouble about public matters, or to counsel his successor ; and that another tradition gives us a religious song under the title of D.'s ' Last Words' (2 S 28'-"). We must not measure the advice ascribed to D. by our own standard. A young and untried ruler like Solomon might be endangered by opponents whom D.

was strong enough to spare ; and the king, who had delivered up to death Saul's seven sons to atone for their father's guilt, may have feared that the curse of Shimei, or the murders of Joab, unless avenged, would bring down punishment on some other man. To us the words put into D.'s mouth do not appear seemly for a dying man, or in accordance with the noblest traits of D.'s character ; it cannot be said they are impossible.

Many would be glad to think that they are only due to the historian, who represented D. as the real author of some of Solomon's earliest acts, hoping to glorify the aged king, or else to clear the memory of the buihler of the temple. It is easy to understand why a later historian pre- ferred to a.scribe to D. far nobler .sentiments when he recorded the king's last words and his final charge to SoIonKm (1 Ch 28. 2y). D. is recorded to have reigned 7 years and 6 months in Hebron, and '.

i3 years in Jerus. (2 S 2" 5*', 1 K 2"). Forty years is a conventional round number in lleb. chronology, but the figure is approximately correct. Ab.salom, who was born in Hebron (2 S ;5-), was grown up at the time of Amnon's outrage ; his rebellion look place some 10 or 11 years later (13-'- »» 14-» 1,">";, and, as was remarked above, several years mu.st have intervened between this and D.'s death.

Again, the Philis- tines and Moabiles had been subdued before the Ammonite war; the marriage of Bathsheba took )ilace in the third campaign against Animnn ; and Solomon, her second son by D., was of full age when he came to the throne. Since 1)., when he first appears before Saul, is a tried warrior, he must have died at an advanced age. According to 2 S .1*' he reached 70 years.

Ho was buried in the capital, which received from him tlie name of the ' city of David ' ; and after the return from exile DAVID 571 the sepulchres of D. were still pointed out between Siloam and the ' house of the mighty men ' (Neh 3'W-; cf. AC2"-'). Later biblical writers and editors describe D. as he appearLMi to the Jews of their own a^'e.

To the compiler of tlie IJooks of Kiiit;s I), is a standard of piety, with whom his successors are com i)ared ; he is the kin^ whose heart was perfect with J " ' (1 K 11 etc.), 'who turned not aside save in the matter of tlriah the Hittite ' (*7>. 1.')'') The Chronicler, from fcelinps easily understood, passes entirely over the darker side of D.'s life, anil the troubles in his family (see esp. 1 Ch '20).

He represents the pious kinp in his later years as absorbed in preparations for the temple ; for this he has .accumulated vast treasures, and he exhorts the people to f^ive freely for the same purpose (1 Ch '2'2. '2y). He arranjres for the services of the future sanctuary, ortranizinp the sacred choirs, and determininf^ tlie courses of priests and Levltes, porters and treasurers (chs. '2"2-2ti).

Finally, tie hands to Solomon the pattern of the temple, which has been revealed to him by God ('25i>-'*'). and admonislies his sou on the creatness of the sacred duty which has been laid upon him ^.j'jo-is 2S1-I0. 30f.^_ I'ljt, figures given in these chapters, as in many parts of Chronicles, are incredibly larpe ; the arrangements described for the .sacred ministers and services are those of Zerubbabel's temple, though ou a {grander scale.

In the older records the only direct connexion between D. and the temple is that implied in his sacriiice at Araunah's thresliinf,'.floor ('2 8 241S-26), and possibly in his dedication of his spoils ((ft. S'"). Older material may well underlie the narrative ol the t'hronicler or his authority ; but for our general estimate of D. and his times we must rely entirely on the Books of Samuel. Allusion has been made earlier in this article to D.'s connexion with the Psalter.

Minuter study makes it more and more difficult to conceive of him as the author of some of the most spiritual products of the OT religion. This is not merely on account of D.'s sins, acknowledged and repented of, but because of his crude ideas on religions matters which appear from time to time in the old records, and becau.se the historians attribute to him, apparently without blame, both words and acts, which from the standard of a higher religion must be emphatically condemned. D.

was first introduced to Saul as a minstrel ; .is a deviser of musical instruments he is named in Am (i°. The Lament over Saul and .Jonathan, a .secular song, reveals to us D.'s poetic power; a.s a composer of sacred poems he appears in the appendix to Samuel (2 S 22. 23'-") and in Chronicles (esp. 1 Ch IC.'-as). How much older this representation may be is hard to say ; but it points to a tradition that D. was the father of Heb.

jisalmody, and it would be rash to deny the possibility that some psalms or portions of psalms of Davidic authorship are to be found in the P.salter. If such there be, we may expect to find them in the group of psalms which Kwald selected as being genuinely Davidic, viz. Ps 3. 4. 7. 8. 11. 15. 18. 10'-»24i-«' -"' 29. 32. 101, and the frag- ments 606-'-> G813-1* 144i-^-» ; but probably this list refpiires to be considerably reduced. By the titles 73 psalms are assigned to 1).

, the principal groups being Ps3-41 (omitting 10. 33) and 51-70 (omitting 00. 07). In the LXX the number is somewhat larger, the title 'to David' being added to 14 more (including 93-90 lleb.), but omitted in some MSS from 3 or 4 others. The following special occasions are named in the Heb. titles : — 3, when he fled from Ab.salom ; 7, concerning the words of Cu.

sh, a Benjamite ; 18, when J' delivered him from his enemies and from Saul ; 30, at th(^ dedication of the House ; 34, when he changed his behaviour before Abimelech ; 61, after his rebuke by Nathan ; 52, when Doeg denounced him to Saul ; 54, when the Zii)hites betrayed his hiding-place ; 50, when the Philistines took him in (J.atli ; 57.

when he Hed from Sanl, in the cave ; 59, when Saul's messengers watched the hcmse to kill him ; 00, after the defeat of I'^dom ill the Valley of Salt ; 03, in the wilder- ness of Judali ; 142, when he w.is in the cav^^ The character of D. has been very variously estimated, exaggerated praise naturally proilucing a revulsion to the opposite extreme.

Undue weight ha-s often been attached to the description of I), ius ' the man after God's own heart ' ; but the phnose, 572 DAVID DAVID which occurs only in 1 S 13'* (quoted thence in Ac 18, ), may be seen in the original context to denote one accordnig to God's mind or purpose, one who possesses the necessary qualities for a ruler of God's people (of. Jer 3'"). It has been more difficult to do justice to U.

on account of the difierent representations, found together in the Bible, but belonging to very different dates. The picture in Chron. of a Jewish saint has led many to censure unfairly the warrior king of a rude age. But if a critical examination of our authorities compels us to reject as unhistorieal some pious deeds or noble words attributed to 1)., on the other hand it affords a more trustworthy standard by which to measure 1).

's position among his contemporaries, and removes many of the glaring inconsistencies which have occasioned difficulties to students and historians. We may first look at the darker side of his character and its numerous limitations, which show that he did not rise entirely above the level of the barbarous age in which he lived. His foreign wars are sometimes marked by very great cruelty.

Even if the Ammonites were not tortured, yet in his desert raids no life was spared (1 S 27'''*), and the victories over Moab and Kdom were followed by massacres. The story of the patriarch Jacob suggests that deception and cunning were part of the Isr. character ; certainly they often appear in D.'s history.

The deceit practised at Nob may be excused by his circumstances ; his professions of loyalty to Achish (1 S 28- 29*) may have been cautious words used to one who has power to compel ; but the continued fraud practised at Ziklag points to a man who was used to crooked dealing ; he could induce Hushai to counteract Ahithophel's advice by mean and treacherous ways ; and after his sin with Bathsheba he stooped to base and cowardly means to conceal his guilt and remove Uriah from his path.

Moreover, D.'s religious beliefs fell far short of the teaching of the great prophets. If he did not himself worship idols, he at least allowed Michal to keep the teraphim in his house ; and to determine the will of God he had constant recourse to the sacred ephod.

He associated the worship of J" with His presence in the land of Israel, could think that J" had stirred up Saul to pursue him, and that His displeasure might be removed by the fragrance of a sacrifice (IS 2Gi') ; and he put to death seven innocent men to procure J"'s favour for the land (2 S 21'-'*). And there are other blemishes in D.'s character.

He can judge a case on the impulse of a moment (2 S lU'), or dismiss one but half heard (li)'^) ; and breaks out against Nabal into a pas- sionate desire for vengeance. The great sins of his life, his adultery with Bathsheba and murder of Uriah, are perhaps but the common crimes of an Oriental despot ; but, so far as we can judge, they were not common to Israel, and D. as well as his subjects knew of a higher moral standard.

Lastly, his weakness in dealing with his own family is little to his credit. The imperious Joab is ' too hard ' for him ; Anuion and Adonijah are indulged and spoiled, and even the outrageous conduct of the former meets with no punishment ; Absalom and Adonijah are allowed to declare their pretensions to the crown, while D. neglects to take proper measures to determine the succession to the throne. Hut in justice to D.

it must be remem- bered that his family difficulties were in part the natural outcome of polygamy, and partly due to the state of culture of his time. In the East the same unwise and selfish love is still often mani- fested by a brave father to his children. The last charge to Solomon (IK 2'-») has been already sufficiently discussed. It is now necessary to turn to the other side of the picture, remembering that we must not expect to find a saint, but a king, a hero, and a man.

No testimony tti D. could be more eloquent than that of the charm he exerted on all who had to do with him. Everywhere he inspires love and devotion. Jonathan is his closest friend ; Saul, Michal, all Israel love him. It is the same in later years. Achish pronounces him blameless (IS 29''- '■') ; what- ever D.

does pleases the people (2 S 3*) ; the three mighty men risk their life to bring him a draught of water ; his soldiers call him the ' lamp of Israel,' and will not let him endanger himself in battle (2 S 21'" 183) ; Ittai of Gath will follow him in life or death (i7. 15-'). Nor was this devotion and admiration undeserved. A brave and successful warrior, who had fought many a campaign against his country's foes, he safely led and ruled the rough men who gathered round him as an outlaw.

His justice was experienced alike by Nabal's shep- herds and his own followers (IS 25'- '"f- 30-^^) ; his concern for his followers' lives is seen when he cannot drink the water from the well of Bethlehem. Hasty and passionate he could be, even in his zeal for justice (2 S 4^'- 12'''') ; but far more marked is his signal generosity. He spares Saul's life when he is in his power (1 S 24. 26), and laments for his death in a noble song (2 S 1 ) ; the messenger fnmi Mt.

(Jilboa and the murderers of Eshbaal are put to death, when they think that they are bringing D. good tidings. He can bear with Shimei's curses during his flight, and forgive him freely on his return. For the sake of Jonathan he spares and shows favour to his son, and in the person of (^himham he repays the kindness of Barzillai. The warmth and tenderness of D.'

s affection is revealed in his lamentation for his ' brother ' Jonathan ; and still more in his own family, as in his distress at the illness of Batbsheba's child, or at the death of Amnon and Ab.^aloni. Nor are higher elements wanting in D.'s religion ; as may be seen from his simple but pious faith, when he dances before the ark, and is ready to abase himself before J" who has exalted him (2 S 6^1) ; or still more when he prepares to leave Jerus. without the protection of the ark.

He accepts his misfortunes with resignation, and acknowledges them as the consequence of his sins ; while he retains his trust in God's goodness (2 S 12', '- lo-^'- 16''-'- 24'-'- '■). And even in the record of his sin his better qualities come out ; for not many rulers would have accepted such a plain rebuke, or mani- fested such sincere repentance. When compared with a Joab or a Gideon, we recognize the great- ness of David's character. But it is especially as a niler that D.

left his mark on his own generation and on posterity. He set himself to free his country from its enemies, to secure it against invasion, and to make the people one. Jerus. was virtually his creati<m ; he strove to make it the religious and political centre of his kingdom ; and the discontent of Judah bears witness to the zeal with which he laboured for the whole nation, and not only for his own tribe. His efforts were the more successful, because with re- markable penetration (cf.

2 S 14''') he always knew the right measures to adopt. He wins the Judican elders by judicious presents, but can wait at Hebron for Eshbaal's fall ; he thanks the men of Jabesh- gilead, disavows all part in Abner's nmrder, retires from the first attack of Absalom, but keeps uj) communication with the capital. In all the varied difficulties of his eventful life he is never without resource. Nor was he negligent of the administra- tion of his kingdom.

It is said that he 'executed judgment and justice to all his people ' (2 S 8'^) ; and this statement is borne out by the readiness with which he listened to Nathan or the woman of Tekoa. Doubtless he once forced a census on an unwilling people, but except in one instance DAY DAYSPRING 573 we never Lear of him using his power for selfish emis. In two respects the reign of D. became an ideal {•>r hiter times.

lie was remembered as a just and patriotic ruler ; and when oppression and injustice became only too common iu Israel, the great prophets looked forward to a time when again a righteous king should sit on his throne (Jer 23^, cf. Is 10') ; and the name of D. became the symbol of the ideal ruler of his line, who they believed must come (Jer 30", Ezk 34'-'3''- HI-"-), and who was afterwards termed the Messiah. Again, it was throuuli D. that the group of Isr. tribes became a powerful nation, and e.

ttendeci its sway over the neighbouring peoples. Thus Israel began to feel that it had a mission in the world ; and though D.'s empire began to melt away even before his suc- cessor's death, this conviction never died, even in the darkest hour. Still the people believed that in God's own time they would be called upon once more to subdue the surrounding nations (cf. Am 9'-), or like a second 1). to proclaim to heathen races J"'s great and holy name (cf. Is 55*-'). LiTEBATURE.

— For the analysis of Samuel $eo csp. Wellhauseu, O>inr/otiition (IS*!), pn. 24^^"iG6; Kuenon, Ondetvo^k (1681),^, 3m; If., or Hill. Krit. EiuUituin) (IS'IO). >• »■ 37-IV2. 72 ; lilldde, Jtivhtfr and SiiriiufI (l-iili). pp. ■JIO-iTli. For the text. Driver, Uth. TtJ-taf Sum. (151)11) ; Wellhauseu, '/'eJ't d. Buchtr Sum. (l-^il). For the criticistu of t'hroniele.-*, ib. Profeffomena, Kn^. tr. (H-i.'). p. ITlff. See, further, W. K. Siuith, ' UavM,' iu /i)tri/rl, Itrit.

^; Dillmann in Schenkel's Bihel-L^xieon ; Kamp* hiiu.'en, ■ Phillster uml Hebraer,' ZA TW, Issi;, pp. +(-97 ; Kwald, JltHlori/. Eng.tr. 111. '4-2lBi ; Stadc, tfe«cAic■A^ (l»~i»). 1.224-299; Klllel. IHhI. of the Ifeljreirn, Kng. tr. (Is9i;), ii. 35-49, 119-1S2 ; Cheyne, Dtcout Study of Criticium (1S92). H. A. WiriTE.