Christology (Hastings' Dictionary)

The purpose of this article is to reproduce the conception of Himself and of His relation to God left bj' Christ in the minds of His earliest followers; and then to estimate the i/Hith and worth of this conception. For this inquiry, we fortunately have, in the NT, abund- ant materials. We there find various, and in great part independent, witnesses speaking to us from the first und second generations of the fol- lowers of Christ, and comprising some who stood in close relation to Him. L 1.

The undisputed and well-attested genuine ness of some of the Epistles of St. Paul, and the probable genuineness of tlie others, make these the best starting-point for our inquiry. For in them we have a secure platform on which we may stand firmly, and from wliich we can survey the entire evidence. We shall then consider the Synoptic Gospels and the writings attributed to the Apostle John. Throughout his Epistles we notice the profound reverence with which St.

Paul bows before Christ as in the presence of One incomparably greater than himself or the greatest of men. There is no com- parison of Christ with other men, and no trace of familiarity, or of that sense of equality, which no differences of rank or ability can altonether efface. But there is evennvhere a recognition of the honour of being a servant, or indeed a slave, of so glorious a Master. St. Paul speaks of Christ, e.g.

in Ro 1 5'", 1 Co P, Gal 4', as the Son of God, using this term as a title of honour distinguishin" Him even from the adopted sons of God. In Ro 8^, and again in v.^, he calls Him God's own Son whom He sent into the world and gave up on behalf of us all. This last passage suggests a comjjarison with a human father who gives up to peril or death his own son to save others who are not his sons. And this comparison dominates the whole teaching of St. Paul and of the NT about the death of Christ.

It implies that Christ is the Son of God in a sense not shared by other men. Now the word son suggests derivation of one person from another. And the term Son of God given to Christ as a mark of honour, distinguishing Him from all others, suggests irresistibly that He is derived from the Father, but in a manner differing in kind from that by which we sprang from the Creator's hands. In Ro 3" St.

Paul teaches that God gave up Christ to die in order to harmonise with His own justice the justification of those who believe in Christ. This implies, not only that among a race of sinners Christ is sinless, but that in moral worth He is equal to the whole race for which He died. In Ro 5>»-'» Christ is contrasted with Adam as the second and greater Head of the race. This gives to Him a unique superiority to all the generations of men.

In Ro 2^* we read that 'God will judge the secret things of men through Jesus Christ ' ; and in 2 Co 5'° St. Paul writes that himself and all others 'must needs appear before the judgment-seat of Christ.' Similar teaching is attributed to St. Paul in an address recorded in Ac 17". In 1 Th 4" we read that at the voice of Christ the dead will rise ; and in Ph 3" that by His mighty power He will transform the lowly bodies of His servants into the likeness of His own "lorious body.

In Col 1'*, a document w-liich we may accept with complete confidence as written by St. Paul, we read that in Christ, and through His agency, and for Him, all things, even the successive ranks of angels, were created ; that He is earlier than all things ; and that in Him all things have their unity, or 'stand together.'

All this proves decisively that, in the eyes of the pupil of Gamaliel, the Carpenter of Nazareth stood inhnitely above men and angels, in a position of unique aignity and unique nearness to (iJod. This must be accepted as well-attested historical fact. 2. We turn now to anotlier grouji of documents dilFering widely from the Epistles of St. Paul, the Synoptic Gospels.

These were accepted without a shadow of doubt in the latter part of the 2nd cent, all round the Mediterranean as written by tlie Apostle Matthew, and by Mark and Luke, friends of apostles. The First Gospel, as the flirt liHst removed from the theological standpoint CHEISTOLOGT CHKISTOLOGY 387 of St. Paal, U specUJly valuable in the Inquiry before as. Throughout the Synoptic Gospels we find Christ making for Himself claims corresponding to the homage constantly paid to Him in the Epistles of St.

Paul. In Mt 5" the young Teacher from Naza- reth announces that He has come, not to annul the law and the prophets, but to complete and fulfil. In ch. 11" He asserts that He alone and those taught by Him know God. He calls to Him- self all the weary and heavy-laden, and promises to give them rest by laying upon them His yoke. Yet He speaks of Himself as meek and lowly of heart. And no one resents these strange assertions as involving undue assumption. As in the Epistles of St.

Paul, so in the Synoptic Gospels, Christ is called, in a special sense, the Son of God. This title is given to Him by a voice from heaven at His baptism, in Mt 3", Mk 1", Lk 3»'; and His claim to it is the question at issue in His temptation. The same august title is, as narrated in Mt 16", given to Him by St. Peter, and is accepted by Christ at an important turning-point of His teaching.

Its meaning is expounded by Christ in the Parable of the Vineyard in Mt 21"", Mlc 12'-*, Lk 20»-"' ; where, after the ill-treatment of hie servants, the master sends his son, thinking that, whatever the vinedressers have done to them, they will reverence him. Christ here claims to be as mucli above the prophets of the Old Covenant, above Moses and Isaiah and John the Baptist, as the master's son is above the highest of his ser- vants.

The same contrast is found in He S'-', where Moses is called a faithful servant in the household, and Christ a Son over the household. That this comparison is found in these four docu- ments, one of them so different from the others, reveals its firm place in the thoucht of the apos- tolic Church. It implies clearly that, to the writer's thought, Christ s relation to God, in virtue of His derivation from Him, differs in kind from that of even the greatest of men. As recognised oy St.

Paul, but more conspicu- ously, Christ claims in Mt 7"*- 13"'- 16" 25»'-", and in the parallel passages, that in the great day He will sit upon a throne and pronounce judgment on all men ; while the angels do His blading as His servants. This teachmg raises Christ as much above the rest of mankind as the judge who sits in dignity on the bench is above the criminal who stands at the bar. 3.

Another marked type of NT teaching is found in the Fourth Gospel, which a unanimous tradi- tion, reaching back to the 2nd cent., and supported by powerful internal evidence, attributes to the beloved Apostle John. In it we have teaching of Christ given, apparently, not as in the Synoptic Gospels to the many, but to a favoured few, and of the utmost value. Christ is here represented as making for Him- self claims practically the same as those recorded in the Synoptic Gospels. In Jn ?"

• ** He bids all the thirsty to come to Him and drink ; and de- clares that they who believe in Him shall them- selves become fountains of living water. He calls Himself in 8" 9» ' the light of the world ' : and in ion. n • t),g jrood Shepherd ' of the ' one floci<.' In 10" He asserts, 'I and the Father are one.' In 11" He calls Himself 'the Resurrection and the Life ' ; and in 14" claims to he the only way through which men can come to God. In close harmony with the Epistles of St.

Paul and the .SjTioptic Gospels, Christ speaks of Himself in Jn 5»» 9»» \\ as the Son of God. The same title Is in ch. "• " given to Him by the Baptist and by Nathanael. In ch. 3"' " Christ claims to be the oniybegotten Son. The same tens is found in 1 Jn 4, and a similar one in Jn !"• "■.

In Jn 5" Christ asserts that 'the Father ha« given all the judgment to the Son, in order that all men may honour the Son according as they honour the Father ' ; and that an ' hour cometh when all that are in the graves will hear his voice and will go forth, they who have done the good things to a resurrection of life, and they who have done the bad things to a resurrection of judgment.'

In Jn IC 5'" the enemies of Christ assert that by speaking of God as His 'own Father,' Christ was making Himself God, or equal to God. This equality is involved in 5" ' whatever things he does, these also the Son does in like manner ' ; in 14* ' he that hath seen me hath seen the Father,' and in ch. 16" ' all things, so many as the F'ather hath, are mine.'

In close harmony with Col 1", we read in Jn 1' ' all things througn his agency came into being, and apart from him came into being nothing whicli hath come into being.' This careful repetition of a word denoting to begin to be is a marked contrast to v.' ' in the beginning was tlie Word.' So v." ' the world through his agency came into being.' In Jn 20*, in view of the pierced hands and side of the Risen One, Thomas accosts Him as ' my Lord and my God.' This supreme honour Christ accepts.

It is given to Him, in express words, by the evangelist in Jn 1', where we road ' the Word was God.' The assertion immediately following, that through His agency all things were made, compels us to accept this term as involving the infinite attributes of deity. Similar honour is paid to Christ in the Book of Revelation.

In Rev 5° we see Him in the midst of the throne as a slain lamb, an object of worship and lofty praise to those nearest tlie throne, and to every creature in heaven and earth and sea. Yet the interpreter angel twice (19'" 22') refuses worship from John, saying, ' worship God.' ii. It is now evident that throughout the various documents and types of thought contained in NT we have one harmonious picture of the dignity of Christ. In the Epistles of St.

Paul we noticed the profound reverence with which he bowed before Christ as in the presence of One far greater than himself or the greatest of men, and we found a complete counterpart to this reverence in the lofty claims which in each of the four Gospels He is recorded to have made for Himself. In all these documents the title Son of God is claimed by Christ, or is given to Him, as a title of unique dignity, and as noting a unique relation to God.

The meaning of this title is determined by the Parable of the Vineyard recorded in each of the Synoptic Gospels, by the term only-begotten Son in the Fourth Gosiiel and in the Ist Ep. of St. John, by St. Paul's appeal to the love of God manifested in the gift or His own Son to save men, and by the contrast in the Epistle to the Hebrews between Moses, a faithful servant, and Christ the Son of God.

This agreement, in writers so various, leaves no room to doubt that, as matter of historical fact, this title, and in this sense, was actually given to Christ by His earliest followers. It is equally clear that they looked uimn Him as the designated Judge of the world. We have also seen that the two greatest writers of NT looked upon Christ as earlier than the universe, and as the Agent through whom it was created.

One writer g'ves to Hiiu the supreme title God, and records is own earlier accej>tance of the same, iii. In this hannoniims account, by various writers, of the dignity of Christ we notice marks of develop- ment. In the Synoptic' Gospels we find it in ita most rudimentary form ; in the Epistles of St. Paul it is more fully developed ; in the Fourth Gospel the devclotpinent is complete. Even within the writings ot St.

Paul, and again within the Fourth 388 CHRISTOLOGY CHRISTOLOGY Gospel, we notice development. In 1 Co 8' we leaJ of ' one Lord, throuj;h wliom are all things ' ; and in Col l"* ", written in the mature thought of St. Paul's first imprisonment, we read that the Soa existed before all creatures, and that through His agency even the successive ranks of angels were created, — a thought much in advance of any- thing in his earlier Epistles.

Very much in advance of Christ's teaching about Himself before His death, are the exclamation of Thomas, and the assertion of the evangelist that ' the Word was God.' It is worthy of note that this development proceeds alwaj's on the same lines, that whatever we read about Christ in the Epistles of St.

Paul, and indeed in the Fourth Gospel, is either a necessary inference from the teaching of Christ about Himself in the First Gospel, or is needful in order to give to that teaching unity and intelli- gibility. Between the accounts of the dignity of Christ given by the different writers of NT there is no contradiction. They differ only in their degree of definiteness and completeness.

Indeed there is much greater difference between Mt 19" and 28" and between Jn 1' and 14® than between the teaching of the First Gospel, taken as a whole, and that of the Fourth. Possibly, the more fully developed teaching of the Epistles of St. Paul and of the Fourth Gospel about the Son of God may, in its literary form, have been influenced by Gentile modes of thought and expression. Certainly, St. Paul's modes of thought and expression were moulded by his Gentile sur- roundings.

But the complete harmony of all NT writers about the Son of God, and the infinite gulf which separates their teaching from all other earlier or contemporary teaching, leave no room for sub- stantial contributions from sources external to Israel. Contemporary Greek or Oriental thought does little or nothing to elucidate the teaching of NT about the Son of God. iv. The teaching adduced and expounded above involves a new and definite conception of God.

For the assertions of Christ in the NT are equivalent to a claim to share with the Father the infinite attributes of deity ; and the contrast between Him who was with God in the beginning and the universe which sprang into being by His agency, suggests irresistioly that, whereas even the bright ones of heaven began to be, He exists, as a person distinct from the Father, from eternity. Faint indications in the OT of a plurality of persons in the Godhead have been pointed out.

But they are dim and uncertain. The definite and complex and yet harmonious conception of God, which underlies the teaching about Christ of the various writers of NT, is altogether different from every conception of God set forth in the entire literature of the world, except so far as later literature has been moulded by Christian teaching. It is a matter of simple historical fact tliat the NT embodies a complete revolution in man's thought about God.

This new and complex metaphysical conception of God has survived to our day, and has been in all ages the deep conviction of an immense majority of the followers of Christ, and esp. of nearly all tliose who have done most to spread His name and influence.

We hear much about theological differences between contending Churches and schools of Christian thought, i ar more wonder- ful than these ditlerences is the agreement of the mass of the servants of Christ about the dignity of their Master, and about His relation to God. Of this agreement, the various Creeds and Confessions of the various Churches are decisive proof.

The so-called Nicene Creed is accepted by both Greek and Komac Churches, and even by the Armenian Church, which rejected the subsequent Definition of Chalcedon. Even this wide agree- ment is not the whole. While rejecting much of the teaching of the Church of Rome, the German and Swiss and Eng. Reformers clung tenaciously to the doctrine of the Son of God embodied in the Nicene Creed.

It is to-day the deep conviction of both Anglicans and Nonconformists in England and of the various Churches in America. In other words, the remarkable agreement of the various writers of NT about the dignity of Christ finds a complete counterpart in the wonderful agreement of an immense majority of His followers in all ages and nations. V. Of these well-attested historical facts, only three explanations are possible. It may be suggested that Christ was Himself in error.

If so, the greatest religious teacher the world ever knew, the author of a religious impulse which has changed and raised human thought and life, was in deep error touching the nature of God and touching His own relation to God ; and His error has been shared by nearly all those who have done most for the reli.irious life of men. If this be so, the Light of the World was, and they to whom He has been the Light of Life are, in deep dark- ness.

So absurd a suggestion is not worthy of a moment's consideration.

The only remaining alternative is either that Christ is in very truth what the various writers of NT represent Him as claiming to be, and being, or that His immediate followers, those who gained for Him the homage of succeeding ages, and through whom He became the Saviour of the world, misunderstood altogether the teaching of their Master about Himself and about God, and made for Him, and represented Him as making for Himself, claims which He would have rejected with horror as blasphemous.

This hypothesis requires us to believe that the various and very different writers of NT, including a friend and colleague of the murderers of Christ, fell into the same error, and adoi)ted the same complicated metapliysical conception of God therein involved. Nay, more.

It requires us to believe that this error survived the theological conflicts of later days, and is now the deep and cherished, but mis- taken, conviction of nearly all those who have done most to spread the name of Christ and the bless- ings of Christianity. This is the easiest alternative open to those who reject the harmonious teaching of the NT about Christ and the historic faith of the Church of Clirist. vi. One more difficulty remains.

Not a few intelli- gent and educated men wlio jmy homage to Christ as the greatest of men refuse to accept as correct the portrait of Him given in NT. If this portrait be incorrect, these men have detected an ancient and serious error, and have restored to the civilised world the true conception of God. We expect to see in them as a fruit of their important discovery some moral and spiritual superiority to those who are still held fast by the great delusion. We look in vain.

They who deny the divinity of Christ have done very little to carry the gospel to the heathen, to rescue the perishing at home, or to help forward the spiritual life of men. On the other liand, if the confident belief of the apostles and of the mass of Christians in all ages be correct, the facts of modern Christendom are explained.

If Christ be the only-begotten Son of God, His birth was by far the greatest event in the history of our race, and Himself iniinitely greater than the greatest of men. We wonder not that His advent was a new era in human thought and in history, and that the Christian nations enjoy to-day a position of unique superiority to all others. The precise relation of the Son to the Fathei CHKONICLES, I. AND IL CHRONICLES, I. AND II.

389 belongs to the domain of systematic doctrinal theology- The various yet harmonious teachiii" of NT implies that the Son is, in a real and glorious sense, equal to, yet personally ilistinct ftom, siiUmlinate to, and one with, the Father. But this mysterious subject lies beyond the scope of this article.

It has been sufficient for our purpose to show that the various ami very different writers of NT give one harmonious account of the diuiiity of Christ and of His relation to God, that tliis con- ception has been in all ages the deep conviction of the mass of His followers, and that this remarkable unanimity, ancient and modem, can be explained only by trie truth of the conviction bo widespread and so lirm.

This important result of our examination of documentary evidence receives wonderful con- firmation from the direct inward moral and spiritual eflfects of the doctrine expounded above. In all ages the vision of the Son of God, divine yet human, lias been a powerful stimulus to every kind of excellence, an encouragement in conflict, a joy in sorrow, and the Light of Life under the shadow of death.

Tlie moral helpfulness of this vision is a sure witness that the vision itself is an appre- hension of objective reality. J. AuAK Bekt. CHRONICLES, I. and II.— Position in Canon.— The name Chrunicta is given, in the English liible, to two books written in historical form, which immediately follow 1 and 2 Kings. In the LXX their position is the same. This arrangement is due to similarity of contents. Heb.

MSS place them, as one book, in the third division of OT, KCthubhim (c';in^), the Writings (Hagiogra^ha), either at the beginning (so in the Massoretic list-s and in Spanish MSS) or at the end (so in the Talmud, Bain bnlhra 13b-15, usually in German MSS, and from the.se in printed HeVj. Bibles), rarely in some other position \t.g. third, after Dn and Ezr, Kennicott 30 ; it is not probable that .Jerome (Prul. Galeat.)

haxl MSS authority for placing it third from the end, followed by Ezr and Est). Its position, whether prelixea or affixed to the other Hagio- grapha, is probably due to the late date at which canonical authority was ascribed to it. Exactly when this occurred we cannot say. The historian Eupolemus (c B.C. 150) seems to have known, not merely the Heb. text, but the LXX translation of Cli, so that it appears to have been reckoned in the Canon not much after B.C. 200, at latest (Euseb. Pr(rp.

Evnng. ix. 33, 34, cf. 2 Ch 2, 'i> ; Freudenthal, Alex. Polyhixtor, 108, 119, cited by Schurer, HJP II. iii. pp. 162, 204). Unity.— It is evident that the two Books of Ch are really one. The narrative is continuous, and the division due only to convenience, like the modem division of a book into volumes. Like the division of S and K, it was made in Alexandria prior to our oldest MSS of LX.X, passed through the LXX into the Vulg. and the modern versions, including the Eng., appeared in Heb.

in the printed text of the Bomberg Bible (1521), and is now customary in printed Heb. Bibles. The Books of Ezr and Neli form a continuation of the same work, by the same hand, and might with pro- priety be entitled 3 Chronicles, or included under the one name of Chronicles (see EZRA AND Neiikmiah). Na.me. — The name of Chronicles in Hebrew is Dihk^rf ITayt/fimSm (c'T.'C '■';i), a |ihr.a.se occurring frequently in K and Ch with the meaning onnci/,*, or rerorih of such and such a king (lit.

the arts of t/ie r/ay.i of, etc.) The LXX (followed by the Vulg.) adopted the name T4 Uapa\enrineva, of doubtful meaning ; the usual inter^iretation is of things passed over, by Sam. and Kings, but this does not explain the present tense of the participle. The En", name Chronicles is a fairly good trans- lation of the Heb. name. It can be traced back to Jerome (Prologus Galeat. ; introduction prefixed to his trans, of S and K) : 'Septimus [liber] Dabre Ajamim (d-d-.

t nan), id est verba dierum, quod signiticantius XponKiK totius divinaj historiae pos- sumus appellare. Qui liber apud nos llafiaKetToiUyuii primus et secimdus inscribitur' (Migne, Hicron., ed. Vallarsi, ix. 554). Contents.— The period embraced in Ch extends from Adam to the Restoration of the Jews under Cyrus.

(1) 1 Ch 1-9 contain chiefly genealogies (begin- ning 'Adam, Seth, Enosh '), coming down through Noah's sons, and then particularly through the line of Shem to Esau and Israel and their sons, with their descendants. The last twelve w. of ch. 1 contain a list of Edomitish kings and chiefs. In the various genealogies many problems arise, due in part to defective text, in part to lack of completeness in the tables, in part to a confusion between names of persons and names of places and peoi>le3.

Brief narratives, from various periods, are interspersed among the genealogies (e.g. 2^ 4». 10. «^« 5^. 10. 18-ffl. as. 8). The last genealogy in this collection, 9"" (repeated, with some dilterences, from 8^"), makes a kind of transition to the following section. (2) a. 1 Ch 10-29 are concerned with David's reign, the introduction being the last battle and the death of Saul (ch. 10), and the conclu.sion the accession of Solomon (23' 28»"- 29, ''-). b.

2 Ch 1-9 are devoted to Solomon's reign, c. 2 Ch 10-36 contain the history of the kingdom of Judah down to the fall of Jerus., with the division of the kingiioiiis as preface, and the Uestoration-edict of Cyrus as ap|ieiidix, or, more exactly, as intro- duction to the history of the Kestoration and the early Jewish community given in Ezr-Neh. (On the parallels, see below.) Style. — The style of Ch is strongly marked.

The genealogical lists, the religious interests, and the edifying tendency of the author (see below) of themselves impart a certain tone to it ; thus there is often comparative brevity and lack of precision in describing external affairs, — even such important ones as the temple-building, Sennacherib's invasion, and the fall of Jerus., ^while pedi-jrees, speeches, and matters relating to ritual are given at length.

Other essential features of it area peculiar vocabu- lary, peculiar syntactical habits, and noteworthy idiosyncrasies in pliraseology (see esp. Driver, LOT 50211., and C. C. Torrey, Ezra-Nehemiah). The following words and phrases occur (in Heb.) only in Ch (incl. Ezr-Neh), and in writings certainly still later (Est, Dn, Ec, I's-titles) :— 1. S;t< howbeit, but, t 2 Ch 1 19" 33", Ezr 10"; also Dn 10'- ■". 2. m:K letter, t 2 Ch 30>- «, Neh 2'- »• » 6» "■ '» ; also Est 9=«'^. 3. p.

nx purple, T 2 Ch 2' (Heb. v.'), cf. Aram. t(;\ptf t)n 5'- ''■ -'; — the more common Heb. \~p,tf is most frequently late, and occurs in 2 Ch 2" 3'. 4. nis^(< laruis, as a designation of the territory of Israel, T 2 Ch 15° ; this territory is certainly included (if not solely designated) in Ezr 3' (text dub.) 9'"-", Neh 10-^(Heb. v.'') ; even Ski?" nimK 1 Ch 13^; nnm; n'lriK 2 Ch 11^; Sxi.if -.z^ xei ms^ttn-S; 2 Ch 34''. (The pi. form niinK is chiefly late in' all senses.) 5.

pa, p bijssus, T 1 Ch 4" 15" (but emend after 2 S C"), 2 th 2" (Hell. v.'») 3" 5" ; also Est 1« ; it occurs also MT Ezk 27" but del. (5 Cornill. • In this ftrt. the ttitrn t IndicaU-a Ihftt alt the pasjyipes am cited in wliich a, pnrlicular word or plinuo occurH. 43 = Or. version o( hXX. (BLBLucian'8 reconuion. ffi = Svr. viTnion (I'tshUta). U = Vulgat«. , CHRONICLES, I. AND II 390 ~6 n,3 ,noU, T 2 Ch 14" 25» 28". Ezr 9', Neh 4* (Heb. '3»)'= alsJ Dn 11- ».

Est Q-, ' , 7 na skilled, skilled (m), T.l Ch ^^ :% ,^'' 2 Ch 34" (other kindred meanings are chiefly late). 1^: TnZln^^ n"; i' o b^n 10" (cf Aram.. ^^V-"^"n ;^ShT6"^»«%^'45»t»'-'2^^^^^^^ ^fr-; k''2^\2 CWS E^ J.-. -4" t Ezr 3", Neh 5" : ^^n abs., T 1 Ch 23», 2 Ch 7 » 23" aO" 3P, Neh 12«. , ,, 14. nji Hiph. reyect, t 1 Ch 28», 2 Ch 11 ^9 • 15. Al cZe out, appear, of leprosy^. T 2 Ch 26 . 16. B^-en? binders, jotnts, l},^,^Y\9ChlS^-»- 17. pio Uitnp. sq. jw „, ^g9 ^ gq.

Dy=A«W strongly with, 1 Ch 11 . -s ».>a lo . «" ^'l8^.^., = royal P^eM 2 Ch 12;26..; also Dn U. 19. nnn;03/, t 1 Ch IB'', ^eh » 20. B>o fie «oA;, T 2 Ch 16'» (usually rhr}). occurs t f r 18^, 2 tih 21"^ 22 scurs T rr 18 , a <^n si, ;. 22. n,V.i^on co„„^^^^^^^^ re!rs^«.'y:.?.^li28>- >»■>-. 2 Ch 5"8'^» 23« 3ia.a.u.u.i7 354.10, Neh U". , . „ pu oom 3528 23. •n90=p»oi" <^<^ (°f °'«°^' T 2 Ch 32" 35 , ^^^ ^^"' . 7 .7^. t 9 Ph ii»"-"; also Dn 1-' 24. J75 knowledge, \ 4.

,n"o and ( ='mind, thought), Ec 10- . t 2 Ch 25 DV5 cv = daj/ by day (for earlier c °M. T 2_Ch 302' Ezr' 3. Neh 8' ; or:> av) 2 Ch 24' . di 5 ci n.,, f Ci. 1"- r 0^-? oV ..15 2 Ch 8" ; °^-? ;• "^^.E^cji > ,..2,«l/7r.^,.t%?^-"^2W2^ 3r, -'»! Ezr''2»t ""t 'IXtl^^^'right hand, T 1 Ch 12» II: 1,'^^Wntierf. t 1 Ch 15" (cf. prob. Aram. "^S' T,tfo1istool, T 2 Ch 9" (cf. NH, Aram ) ^s..; ,1 in titles Of Pss 4 5^6. l^-^'lf Yi ^g. i?- lo M- IV i' «■ Is' 56. 57". 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. ^64. t.

II: 6T: fs: ^. 70. 75 je JJ. so. 8I. 84. 85. •/ i K oq^- K-^^nV DT inj = ffi«f <|'^"- pMge that '.^(^rS'^rft 1 Ch 22.O2 Ci 11". Dn 10". ^%l^",i:Tppoint^i^tituU^,^^^^^^^^ ^^.^'t'ch's'tt-^ 19^' 20- 25'» 30. 31' 33« 35». EzVl'^NehW 12" 13» (of. 10") ; also Dn ''33."'(D^=y, TDV. nny) ^^9«-^2 .=« *<-nrf °« ^^,f "^^^^^ i„<,. -.e. in his place, etc., 2 C^ 30 34 3o JMeti I 13'': also Un 8>« 10"; with o^p for noy Neh 9-, without vb. Neh 8'. 14a 22» 23" 29»- », 34.

rh-;zS = exceedingly, ^ 1 un i — -" 9f;h li'l6" 17"20"26"34. ^ ,, ,„„ 35 ni .sv cLiro/ ( = possess) power, be ahU T sq. ) inf. 1 Ch 29'S 2 Ch 2« (Heb. v.^h sq-^.sutet 2 CH 22» ■ abs. 2 Ch 13» ; also abs. Dn 10" f'f^^l I^n r,^") 11« ; ^-i alone = Aa«e power, be able, T 2 Ch 14'», sq. \ inf. 20»'. 15,,^,.. a 16»« 25'', „ p., gia. u 29^, Ezr 3'», Neh 12^. , 37. -•=> /u!-!7oa(. T 2 Ch 29", Ezr 8» ; also Dn 9 » » (Aram. Ts;^). 38 -S?. -I? of priests and Le%ntes : — D-jqSri "!

T 2 Ch 3G'«; Ezr 8«-^« (+n-i)ni) 10» ; on^rr^ t 1 Ch 15'a 'Vn -n? v.'«, 2 Ch 35»; cf. ^? of chief musician, 1 Ch IS^Vso a'rh^n 'iSI 8'gri' 24», and Pip -li? 1» ^^39 nWp. D-.n>B'o, and (Ezr 2» = Neh 7") nW9. ■ / \ X 1 p1. fi33 (HpI. V '»> g^' + U t. Ch ; Ezr ^".«l:ilei 7«, eV7'1C^. Neh 7>+'l2 t. ^40. ^-f alabaster, \ 1 Ch 29^ (cf . vf, T Est 1«. Ca 5"). 41. D-iylB» porters, gate-men, of temple, etc., a sacred fiictfon, t 1 Ch 9" + 19 t. Ch ; ^r 2-" = Neh 7«- " Ezr 7' lO", Neh 7' + 7 t. Neh.

(The w ord ^curs elsewhere only 2 S 18»-but rd. ny.'^, see Driver-and 2 K 7'"- " of porter of a city and a palace.) The following exilic and post-exilic words and phrases are, in the meanings given, cliaractenstio of Chronicles, although not excli^ively so :- ^°2 '^n-N^^ph^'A Ch 'se^'falso Is 53». Ps 88'. and (in different senses) Ezk 37", La 3" Est 2'^ 3. chjp com,non-land, 1 Ch 5" 6» Heb. v.«) + 40 1.

1 Ch fi 13= 2 Ch 11'^ 31'» ; also Ezk 45- 48'» " and ^^'^5^^ }l 'J Jos 14= 21"- + 55 (or 59, if w.**- " belong ^^^.VSir?^Ch28';aIsoIs66^La2^ Ps 99» 110' 132'. , t , PK ifia.- P« 96' 5 Blip n-nn holy adornment, T 1 Ch 16^- Ks 9b , 2 Ch 20=' ; iiso Ps 29= (post-exil. ). „ _ 6. [iDn = (7rea< number, ] 1 Ch 29", 2 Ch 11 Jl , also Jer 49»= (v. also infr.) "V^l^i^S);'1'ck^, ^^-^Neh 13-Tllfo-l^r% Job 37=', Mai 3»; and esg.

139»; also KzU 39", Jou o, , ^'^r," 'pX jS make or pronounoe c7e«>t, ceremonially, |fk 4d , T 1 Ch "S"- 2 Ch 30", Neh 12« ; also Ezk 44-«, Lv k ' ''' ' 'tZ "V cI; 28''''o''^ch''.^^' 9"' s'f ri:^ Ze'f f-^Jo^, E^k 3k Ex 25'? +30 t. Ei, Lv '"•"o^ n>J^Jversj>read, overlay, T 1 Ch 29^ ; also Ezk 1010. ii.'i2. 14. 16. 16 22-», Lv 14^- ■"■'. , , 11 i-Sy, n-h)i = according to the guidance of, 1 Cli dsi-"^"-, 2 Ch 23" 26» 29", Ezr 3">; also •'^[/'^f"Hithp.

=ffn'e thanks, in ritual worship T o Ch 30= : = ™n/m, E..r 10', Neh 1» 9=- » ; also Lv 5» Io-26«, Nu 5' (/ll P or H), Dn ^.- (.. also u./n). 13. ni-iyw (lenerations, 1 Oh 1 o ' ° , „ 20»'; alsl H^u 4.« Gn 5.,^t. Gn E^,N-^,(aU P). 35i\zr y=" Ne&7«! Ezr ^■. 'also Ezk 13», Dn 10='. Est 1== 3'^' » 4" 8«-»»" 9". „^ i,j„ 2 Ch 15. Syo commt« a <r(W;)aj«, 1 Ch J- 5 HJ ,, ^" loiofii"." ^s'K.^ 29« 30' 36'^ Ezr 10='», Neh 1« 1.3_" ; iisoEzk l> + 6 t. Ezk, Lv S-'+IVi- Lv Nu, Dt^ ^^^^^^^3c!

^^^v"^^i^;^|f^i'5 Ezk. Lv 5" + 11 t. Lv, Nu, Jos (a P), Dn 9', Job 21" (esp. frequent as cogn. ace. with ^i^ . 16 Dix iJEJ coll. = pereoTW, T 1 Ch b"i also e-zk 27" Nu 31«i-« « (P) ; in Gn 9» (P) 07?? da^h/e oj ""17' 3BJ Niph. be expressed by name, T 1 Ch 12" (Baer^ne"'' 2Ch 28''»31'», Ezr f ■ a «oNu 1^'JP^ 18. n5y = me(for earlier c>plCh iO- 21 , Ezr 2^ = Neh 7", Neh 8» ; also Dn 8=- ="• •"' 10 U CUK0^■1CLKS, 1. a2sD II. CHKU.MCLES, I. AND IL 391 •.1J.

31 ]oi^ ggt, 414^ jf_ transition to this usage £zk 2' 37'". 19. 2zr: icest, t 1 Ch 7» 12" 2G"-'9-» 2 Ch 32» 33" ; also Is 43" 59'», Dn 8', Ps 75« (Heb. v.') Iu3" 107«. 20. Sa .Ti.T 109 ■■';•■' the fear of J' came upon, | 2 Ch 14" (Heb. v.") 17'° 19' 20* (D-nSx 109 ; cf. |0J ■tit -'?1- ^i-rnji 1 Ch 14") ; elsewhere "Ss "■ iijS Ss; 1 S 11', Job 13", and so of fear of men, or ondetined fear, £x 15'^ Est 8" 9^ '. 21.

SjiJ receive, f 1 Ch 12"' 21", 2 Ch 29"-», Ezr 8 Pr 19^, Job 2'»'», Est 4 9-*"; Vjijn = 6« in /ron< 0/ (cf. Aram, h^s) Ex 26" Sei^ (P). 22. nCK Vk"! 0/ heads 0/ families, t 1 Ch 7" 8«. 10. u. » 9». ». M 151a 23». « 24<- »' 26-'- -^ " 27', 2 Ch P 198 23' 26'^ Ezr l' 2" 3'^ 4"-» 8' 10", Neh 7'<'-" 8" i2'2-»- " ; also Ex 6^, Nu 31» 32=» 36'- ', Jos 14' 19" 21'- > (all P). 23. j'Jn Hiph. display tcickedness, do wickedly, T 2 Ch 20«i 22», Neh 9" ; also Job 34", Ps 106«, Dn 9» IJM 1210. 24.

n^y weapon, } 2 Ch 23"' 32», Neh 4"- » (Heb. rv."-"); also Job 33'» 36'^ Jl 2«, cf. id.=shoot, iprout, Ca 4". 25. •^'Vjy hear Tne (in beginning a speech), t 1 Ch 28^ 2 Ch 13 15» 20' 28" 29» ; also Gn 23« {hear ut), TT.»-"-"-"(aUP). The following occur occasionally In pre-exilic literature, but are especially characteristic of Chronicles : — 1. •v;>k= promise or command sq. inf. 2 S 24", 2 K 8'», but esn. 1 Ch 21" 27^, 2 Ch 1"> 14» 2V 2921. J7. 10 314. n .^i^ Neh 9'" ; also Dn, Est, etc. 2.

rijs<f=guUt, wrong-doing. Am 8" (in concrete sense), but esp. 1 Ch 21", 2 Ch 24»» 28'»- >»• '• ^ 32-», Ezr 9«- '• •» " lO"- 1 ; also Ps 69», Lv 4 5 (P), also (in another sense) Lv S' (P), 22"" (H). 3. O'-S.xn n'3 hoxise of God, 1 Ch 9"- "• " + (52 times in Ch, Ezr, Neh) ; of sanctuary at Shiloh, Jg 18"'. 4. -mi = troop, of divisions of anny, Mic 4" (doubtful date), but esp. 1 Ch 7«, 2 Ch 25»- '»■ »» 26", cf. Job 29' (of a maraitding band it is both early and late). 6.

niirn greatness, 2 S 7"-'' = l Ch 17"-"-", 1 Ch 29" ; also Ps 71=' 145 •• •, Est 1 6' 10». 6. ni.T &y\ seek J" in prayer and worship. Am 6- , Hos W\ Is 9'» etc., but esp. 1 Ch 28», 2 Ch 12" 14 '(Heb. vv.»-«)15»-» 16'2 22''26'>,P8 105= 1 Ch 16"; D-nS!<(rr)BH-,2Ch 19'26»30'»; !r^n^v-p 1 Ch 22", 2 Ch IS" 20», Ezr 6=' ; d'.i^kS 't 2 Ch 17 31»' 34>, Ezr i'. 7. pan = multitude, Jg 4', 1 S 14" etc. ; but also 2 Ch 13» 14'» 20^u-";m 32'; also Ezk, Dn [v. also tupr. ). 8.

'ii'j = Ae enraged, T 2 Ch 26"'- '» ; im rage,} 2 Ch Id'" 28»i also (poet.) Is 30", Mic 7», Pr 19'", and (raging of sea) Jon 1". 9. 3J1J locust, grasshopper, Nn 13" (JE), but esp. 2 Ch 7'», Lv 11«^(P), Is 40", Ec 12. 10. ^n calendar month, merely numbered (not named)| 1 K 12»>-»», Jer 1 etc., esp. 1 Ch 12" 272. ». 4. t. T. 8. «. 10. 11. 11. u. 14. i»_ 2 Ch 2» + 12 t. 2 Ch, Ezr 3' + 10 t. Ezr, Neh 7" 8>- ", Ezk 24' 32>, Lv 16»' + oft. P, Hag !'• '», Zee 1' 7'- •, Est o" etc. 11.

7\m = seer, Am 7", Mic 3' etc., 2 S 24" = 1 Ch 21», and esp. 1 Ch 25" 29^, 2 Ch 0" 12"' 10» 29»- •• 3318. i> 35u_ 12. pjij H\th^.= strengthen oneself, 1 8 30" ('nr.T m.ra), 2 S 3", 1 K 20-^ but esp. 2 C"li 1' 12" l.}^' 17' 21 23' 25" 27«, 15» ( = take courage), Ezr 7" ( =gain strength); also Dn 10" (id.); =put forth one's strength, Gn 48', Nu 13» (both JE), Jg 20», 1 S 4», 2 S 10", but also 1 Ch 19", 2 Ch 32» (v. also tupr. ). 13. Tj^fVq clarion, as sacred instrument, t 2 K 12'*, but esp.

(for use by priests onlv) I Ch 13' )5ia.M.3a igii. 43 2 Ch 5" >>' '' 13'^' 26'" 29'-'''"'' Ezr 3", Neh l'2»' «' ; also Ps 98« and'Xu 'l0» ♦' ''' •• 7. 8. «. 10 3,. (all p) . issn vb. denom. PI. and Hiph. sound a clarion, f 1 Ch 15'^, 2 Ch 5'^" 7" 13" l"J^. 14. n-i; Hiph. =7)rawc, of ritual worship, 2 S 22 = P8 18»» = loS ; also Is 12 25', but esp. Ps (67 t.) and 1 Ch 16- '• »• "• »■ •" 23" 25' 29", 2 Ch 5" 7"' ' 20^'» 31', Ezr 3", Neh 11" 1-2'^ »; .Tiw = </«ini. offering.

Am 4«, 2 Ch 29»''»' 33"; alsi Ps, Jer, and P. 15. •»; adj. right (hand), 1 K 6» 7», 2 K 11" ; also 1 K 7" = 2 Ch 3" Iferi, 2 Ch 4" 23». Ezk 4« ^'crt', 47'-', Ex 29^ + 8 t. P. 16. I'O Hiph. set up, prepare, etc. 2 S 5>-, 1 K 2" etc., but esp. 1 Ch 14' 28', 2 Ch 12' 17»-(-36 t. Ch. 17. Dij gatlier, t Is 28» (Hithp.), but also 1 Ch •22', Neh 12 ; also Ezk 22^ 39", Ps 33' 147', Est 4", Ec 2 * 3». 18. v;j Niph. be hurrAle, humbled, humble oneself, 1 S 7", 1 K 21» etc., but esp.

1 Ch 2U, 2 Ch 7" 12"' '' '' " 13" 30" 32^ 33'^ "' "^ ^ 34'-''' -'' 36" ; Hiph. humble, subdue,'\ Jg 4'», Dt 9", 2 S 8' = 1 Ch 18', also 1 Ch 17'", 2 Ch 28'» ; also Is 25', Job 40", Ps 81" 107". 19. T k'^q = consecrate, Jg 17»-", 1 K 13", but also 1 Ch 29», 2 Ch 13" 16^ 29^' ; also Ezk iS^ and Ex 28*' 29''' »' » » 32-'», Lv 8^ le'' 21', Nu 3" (all P). 20. niD^i? kingdom, reign, Nu 24' (JE), 1 S 20-", 1 K2»2, but esp. 1 Ch ll" + 27 t. Ch., Ezr 1>4'>'« • 7' 8', Neh 9»» 12''; Est l'-f25 t.

Est, Dn l' + 15 t. Dn, Ex 4', 5 t. Ps, 3 t. Jer. 21. zii Hithp. offer (oneself) willingly, } Jg 5'- (in war), but esp. (m sacred gifts and services) 1 Ch 295. ». ». 0. 14. 17. w 2 Ch 17", Ezr 1» 2«<' 3», Neh 11'. 22. 'lYi help, of divine assistance, 1 S 7", Gn 49" etc., but esp. Ps and 1 Ch 12' IS", 2 Ch 14"-" (Heb. v.»») 18" 25" 26' 32». 23. nuj) T^'V riches and honour, t 1 K 3", but e.sp. 1 Ch 29"- s", 2 Ch 1"- " 17" 18' 32-'' ; also Pr 3" 8", Ec6'. 24.

:i-h abundantly, IK 10" = 2 Ch 1" = 9", and esp. 1 Ch 4=« 12" 22 '' »■ ' »■ »' '' " 29-' -', 2 Ch 2" ( Ileb v.») 4" 9''» 11'^ 14" (Heb. v.') 15" 16' 17' 18'-' 20^ 2411. 24. -i, 27» 29» 30'' "' " 31» 32»' '», Neh 9^ ; also Zee 14'*. There are also classes of peculiarities in Ch, many of tliem synUictical ; e.g. omission of tlie relative ; -=-n for the relative ; iiv; -lyp and other such repetitions with ), in a distributive 8en.se : mVj^s and other temporal inf.

phrases at beginning of sentence (for older ni^j? '^i;!, etc.) ; and particu- larly the use of prepositions : — 'j c. inf. with cir- cumstantial force, at the end of sentences, as 1 Ch 15'" etc. ; ) c. inf. denoting purpose, etc. ; ) as the accusative sign after a verbal suffix, e.g. 1 Ch 5'^, and without a preceding suHix 2 Ch 26' ; D^- -ij-iV \DV3 T 1 Chl6''.2Ch8"31"; ]-v\ = without, e.g. ICli 22. 2 Ch 14" ; i'^'^^without f 2 Ch 15»' >• » ; Sbl)= wholly, namely, e.g. 1 Ch 13' etc.

; ) and (oft.) -S;^, carrying on another preposition ('jrV. cy, etc.), or introducing a nominativ 1 Ch 26-'« 28'- " 29« ; tlie curious coniliination if^, in nj'iB'Ki^i.^^ f 1 Ch 15", and •■y;^ T 2 Ch Sit" ; the frequent and not«worthy ) ly before both verbs and nouns, e.g. 1 Ch 28'-', 2 Ch 16" 36" ; ? of accompaniment, without a verb, 1 Ch 16' etc. ; ? before adverbs, e.g. dkiipj 2 Ch 29" ; and others (see esp. Driver, LOT 604-606).

The peculiar and often anomalous phraseology of Ch, which is apparent in every oliaptcr, iniiy be further illustrated by the following specimens chosen almost at random : — 1 Ch 10" says that (Saul died . . ) because he did not obey .J'"8 command, and because ho made inquiry by necromancy ; in Heb. thus : i^'ij ' • tj—Sj 11'° speaks of heroes whom David liod, cpirn-rn 12" (Baer, EV T.") makes David say, '1 will 392 CHRONICLES, L AND II. CHRONICLES, L AND IL heartily join with you,' in Heb.

thua : cz'hs^ 'Y'^','^'. ■>id;^ 3^'?, lit. ' I will have a heart towari you for uniteJness.' as" ""1 pi^'Sy D'j?b5 a'infi'} an; o'snin njyisri n'pn^, i.e. (refined gold) for the pattern of the chariot, (viz.) the cherubim (viz. of) gold (making them, notice ^) to spreading out and covering over the ark, etc, 28'» '?-ji^n '^y "■ n:p ipij SSn, the whole by a writing from the hand of J" upon me hath he taught. 29** "iJi ^t<-i:?:-'?si]vhsi nav lyK CByniand the times (i.e. e.

vperiences) which have passed over him and over Israel, etc. 2 Ch 11-* DV) jwq Ss?"', and he sought a crowd of wives (but rd. perh. 'j 0.77 iKSp-i, so F. Perles. Anel. 47). 15' (iS^i .TjiD )n3 Ay;\ n^g 'rh^ tth) ^Vif'}? D'?T D'P;i 1 .Tiin, and long was Israel without a true God, and without a priest as teacher, and without a law. 16' vSn c^iji D55^-Dy pjninp^, to show himself strong in helping those whose heart is perfect toward him (^5'(! omitted before D33S).

21'" D:;»i c'p;^ j-firi nxs nyji D'9;p o'p;^ 'n^ i.e. and it came to pass after some days, even about the time of the outgoing of the end of two years. Date. — (1) The peculiarities of language already noted give an overwhelming presumption in favour of a very late date for Ch. (2) Specific evidence appears— (a) 1 Ch S-* where Anani is named accord- ing to MT in the 6th generation after Zerubbabel, or about B.C. 350; (ffi, followed by SF, makes Anani the 11th from Zerubbabel, or about B.C.

250-200) ; probably also (6) the expressions ' king- dom of Persia,' ' king of Persia,' 2 Ch SB-""- i"- **■ 3, if, as is likely, these expressions were used to dis- tinguish the Persian rulers, not from the Semitic Babylonian, but from the later Greek (note the absence of this expression in the contemporary references of Neh 2' 5" IS" ; also 11^" etc.)

(3) Further specific evidence appears in Ezr-Neh, — originally one work with Ch— (a) the terminiu a qno is given Neh 13 ' the 32nd year of Artax- erxes'^B.C. 433 ; (6) Jaddua, Neh 12", is 6th high priest after Joshua (Hag !'• " 2", Zee 3'- a- »■ »- » 6'') ; Eliashib, 3rd in this list, was a contemporary of Nehemiah (Neh 3' 13- 2»); Josephus, Ant. XI. viii. 4, names Jaddua, as high priest in the time of Alexander the Great, B.C. 333 ; (c) Darius in. (Codomannus) rei^Tied B.C.

336-332, and his reign ('Darius the Persian') is mentioned Neh 12=; (d) on 'the Persian' (I.e.), and 'king of Persia,' Ezr (11. 1. 3) 19 37 48. 0. ». 7. 24 614 71^ cf, 2 (6) svpra ; (e) late words and constructions, evident Aramaic intlu- ence in the language, and extended Aramaic passages (Ezr 4«-'» S'-e' 7""^). On the other hand, if Eupolemus knew the LXX tran.sliition of Ch (cf. Position in Canon, supr.), the ori^'inal must have had canonical authority not much later than B.C. 200.

From all these indications it is safe to say that Ch was not composed before B.C. 300, and may have been composed as late as B.C. 250. Parallels. 1 Oh li-4=Gn 5-22 (condensed bv omitting chronol. ootefiV 16-2J = Gn 102-(om. Gii KP 1'-'). l»42! = 0n liioai (condensed by omitting chronoL not«). l=Gn 213 etc., and 16" etc (condensMiX latsi = Gn 25131>.16.. l»2.33 = Gn 20i»t. l"=Gn 2511'M (condensed). ia5i = 0n 3»ii"^4J (condensed).

81« = On SS^S-M (condonsedX 2" = Gn 48", with artdiiionii from Gn 88 ; cL Nn Sff". 2<i', cf. Jos 71, I K43I. 28 has no I. 29 12, of. Uu 419 M (to Jeue). 2'3-17, cf. 1 S l(i«-", 2 S 218 17». 2i8-24 descendants of Caleb, no I. "^ Theae are 225-41 ^^ Jeralimeel, no |, I endentiv to ft 24»49 further sons of Caleb, no |. f Urj,'e extent 2eo.» descendants of Caleb's son Uur, do |. J eeo^. namea. 31-9 David's children = 2 S 32-' £13-16 131. 1 Oh 8ii>-'8 kings of Judah, descendants of Solomon, cf.

1 K 12- 2 K24. 817-a4 descendants of Jehoiachin, ending wiin Anani, do t SI. Mt 112 from Jehoiucliiu to ZerublMbel). Jiidab's descendants. Little I (oa v.i cf. On. UO, Nu 2819-21), 4W Simeon's descendants, cf. Gn 4810, Ex 8", Nu W- U. 420-^ Simeon's descendants, no I. 428.33 _, cilies = Jos 192-8. 434-3 ,, descendants, and narrative about them, DO I. 61 26 Reuben, Gad, and } Manasseb ; on &> cf. Gd if?, Nu 265- 8. 81* (Heb. C^J-ffl), Levi :— Aaron's sons, cf. Gn 46", Ex 8»' 18. 20. 23, Nu 32.

8" (Heb. 530-"), chief priesU till fall of Jerus., no 1. gid^ (Heb. 61-37), Levitical genealogies, no I (onlj oooft sional reff.) 8»"i (Heb. 638-««), Levitical cities, ct Jos alM». 71-» Issachar, cf. Gn 4613, Nu 2023.25. 7«-12 Benjamin, cf. On 4621, Nu 263»-». 713 Naphtali, cf. Gn 4621, Nu 26"- «. 714-18 Manasseh, ct. Nu 2(i2»-33. 72l'-2s Ejihraim, ct. Nu 2635.36, Jos 16. 73<"» Asher, cf. Gn 4617, Nu 26"-«. gl-w Benjamin, incl. Saul's descendants, through Jonathan ) ct. Gn 4621, Nu 2ti3«.

39, 1 S 14-'". 59, 2 S 29 4'' »H. 91-31 Po3t-e.\ilic families in Jerus. (some I in Ezr and Neh), 935-M Saul's familv = 82»-« (some divergencies of detail). 101 12 Saul's last battle, and death=l 8 311U. 1013.14 Moral reflection, no I. 111-3 Darid, king at Hebron = 2 S 51-». 114-9 David captures Jerusalem = 2 S 6*-ll). 1110-17 David's heroes, cf. 2 S 238«) (additional naine in Ch). 121 22 Darid's followers at Ziklag, no |. 1223-10 David's king-makers, no I.

131 14 Ark brought from Kiriath-Jearim-« 8 8»-U. 141. 2 Hiram and David = 2 8 611- 12. 143-' David's children in Jerusalem = 2 S 513-18. 14»i; David's conquest of Philistine8=2 S 51'2». 151-28 Ark brought to Jerusalem. "1 /-,# o a «i«wqA 15» Michal's contempt. I Cf. » 8 (^»-a) 161-6. 87-43 Sacrifices, Blessing of people, f . '^ jijx Levitical minister of ark. J «panded), ( 168-22 = P8l0511». 16S« PsaUn on the occasion :— i 1623-33 = Ps 96ii». ( 1634. 8» = Pe 1061. 4T.4». 171.

2 David's desire to build temple = 2 S 71-». 17S.16 Prophecy ot Nathan = 2 S "i-l'. 1716-27 David's prayer and thanksgiving = 2 S 71-, 181-13 David's foreign conquests = 2 8 81-14. 1814-17 David's interna) rule = 2 S 81»-18. 191 19 2013 David's war with Ammon = « 8 101-M ll"t 122&J1. 204-8 David's war with Philistin««=2 S 211»-«2. 211-80 David's numbering ot people, and its penaltj ; put^ chase of Oman's threshing-floor = 2 S 241-25. 221-19 David's preparations tor temple-building, no I.

231 David appoints Solomon his successor, cf. 1 K 18*. 23^2734 David's elaborate Levitical and ritual arrange- ments, inct. music^al ; appointment of other othcials, no I. 281-21 291-19 Further announcement by David of plans foi temple, and ot Solomon as his successor, no I. 2920-30 Accession of Solomon and death of David, cf. 1 K 13S.89 211. 12. t Ch 11-13 Solomon s reign ; his ncriflce at Oibeon, cf. 1 E 313. 114-17 Solomon's reign ; its splendour, etc, cf. 1 K loa-.

2-4 Building ot temple (and palace), ct 1 K &-7 (oon- densed). 61-14 Dedication of temple, cf. 1 K Sl-n (expandedX 61-12 Prayer ot Solomon = 1 K gusi (vv.6i-6rom. in Oh). 7111 Sacrifices, etc., cf. 1 K 86''*i (expanded). 712-22 Solomon's vision ot J", ct. 1 K 91 9. 8. 9 Further glory of Sol.'s kingdom, cf. 1 K V-" IW-" (many differences ot detail); specifically ©i-i^, Queen of Sheba = l K ini 13. 931 Death of Solomon = 1 K ll". 101-19 Accession ot Rehoboam, and division of kingdom « 1 K 12>'».

Ill 23 Rehoboam's reign, ct. 1 K 1221 « 1421 21 (expanded). 121 '« Rehoboam and Shishak, ct. 1 K U-^31. 131-23 Abijah, and his war with Jeroboam, cf. 1 K 161-8 (expanded). 14. 15 Asa, his reforms and success in war, cf. 1 E 15^24 (ejqianded). 16 Asa's apostasy, no I. 17 Jehoshapiiat, bis reforms and mi^ht, of. 1 K 2241-48 (expanded). 18 Jehoshaphat's alliance with Ahab= 1 K 22i-'»- ">. 19 Prophet's rebuke for this alliance, no I.

201 34 Jehoshaphat's success against Moab, Amnon, and Edoni, no I (takes the place of 2 K 3i"^). 2035 S7 Jehosbaphat and ships of Tarshish. cf. 1 R 224»- 49. 21 Jehoram's wicked reign, and disaster, cf. 2 K 818-24 (ex|»anded). 221 9 Ahaziab's wicked reign, and disaster, cf. 2 K 82»«9 921 ». 2210 12 Athaliah's wicked reign, cf. 2 K 111. 23121 Athaliah's overthrow by Jeboiada, cf. 2 K 11^21 (expanded). I CHRONICLES, I. AND IL CHRONICLES, L AND II.

393 SCh 24' " JoMh's reign, flrat good, then bad, cl. 2 K 12m (ex|>andfd). ■J.'ii 'A Anuuciah'8 reign, Bret good, then bod, of 2 K 14i» (ex|tanded). 2i;i' liziah's reign, flret good, then bod, of. 2 K 14«i-«> 161" (expanded). 27' » Jothiiinii pood reign, cJ. 2 K lf;»s9 2»i " Aliaz » H-icked reign, of. 2 K 16' ' (expanded). 29' M iiezL'kiuh's good reign ; reforms, cf. 2 K IS'- (ex panded). Hm ^ llezFklah's passover, no I. 81' 2' llezekiah'8 reforms, cont., no I.

82' 21 Seiiuacherib'a invasion, cf. 2 E 18'*' ISl-" (oon- denswl). «2« Ilezekiah"8 sickness, cf. 2 K 201" (condenaedX 822S. 2S.:i3 Hezekiah's pride ; houunre from otben ; death, cf. 2 K 2Ct''^ ^ (modilied and condensed). 33l» Maiiasechs wicked reign, captivity, and repenUnce, cf. 2 K 21' '» (greatlv niodiOed). 8SM » Amon's wicked reign, cf. 2 K 21'»-«. Mi-si Josiah and his reforms, the law-book, eta, cL 2 K 22'' aa'-ao- 2* 28. 85"9 Josiah '8 passover, cf.

2 K 23' 2 (greatly expanded^ 88227 Josiahs death, cf. 2 K 23i'- > (expanded). 86' J Jehoahaz's reign, cf. 2 K 23J1-M. 86-8 Jehoiakiins reign, cf. 2 K Z3^ n 24'-< fcondensed). 863- '« Jehoiachin's reign, cf. 2 K 248^" fcondensed). 86"" Zedekiah's reign, cf. 2 K 24i8-2(i 251-'' (condenstd) ; with v.'2ct. also Jer37'-2. SB"^' Moral rellections, no I (cf. 2 K 220). 86" 21 Kail of Jcrus., cf 2 K 25»»' (condensed); with t.«i cf. also Jer 25^- "■ '2 29i». 8622.

23 Keetorstionedict of CyruB=Eir l'-*, no other I. Comparison. — A. The foregoing table shows at once, that while parts of Ch have no parallel in the earlier books, there are still larger portions of those books unrepresented in Ch. The following are such portions of Samuel and Kings : — 1 S 1-30, 2 S 1-4. 9. IP-" 12'-" 13-2U. 21'-" 22. 2.3'-', 1 K l»-»^ 2i-». a- 3i-». i«-28 41-M 13. 141-20 152J-84 ig_oi, 2 K 1-7. g'-" 9. (chiefly), 10. 13. 15»-" 17. 25^-«- -■'-*'.

They include (1) the entire activity of Samuel, and the reign of Saul (except the close) ; (2) David's lament for Saul and Jonathan, his conflict with Ishbosheth, and dealings with Mephibosheth ; (3) the story of Uriah and Bathsheba ; (4) the story of Amnon and Tamar, and Absalom's flight and recall ; (5) Absalom's rebellion and David's exile ; (6) the Psalm of 2 S 22 = Ps 18; (7) the ' Last Words of David ' 23'-' ; (8) the intrigues and struggles attending Solomon's accession ; (9) evidences of Solomon^ wisdom and poetic gifts ; (10) Solomon's alliances with foreign women, and liis idolatries in later life ; (11) his vexation by adversaries, includ- ing Jeroboam ; (12) the entire history of the Northern Kingdom, after tlie division, except when the account of the Southern Kingdom makes necessary some mention of the Northern ; (13) the governorship and murder of Gedaliah, after Jeru- salem's fall ; (14) the exile-life of Jehoiachin.

B. Ch condenses also, in several places, and as a result gives statements with less precision than the earlier books.

These passages are clironological (as in tlie genealogies 1 Ch 1), arcliitec^tural (as in the case of the temple-building 2 Ch 2-4 ; the building of Solomon's palace is not described at all), i)olltical (as Sennacherib's invasion 2 Ch 32'-'"; the reigns of the last kings 2 Ch 36-"), or humili- ating (iMichal's contempt 1 Ch IS'-; sickne-ss of Hezekiah 2 Ch 3-2" ; fall of Jerusalem 2 Ch 36"-=' ; the same (lualily may partly account for the cases mentioned under the previous liead).

That Ch expands some political and military narratives is also true, and will be noticed below. Other narra- tives are modified in various ways, e.g. the sacrifice by Solomon at Cibeon (2 Ch l'""), the overthrow of Athnliali (2 Ch 23), and thereignsof .lelioram(2Ch 21i>-*), Ahaziah (2 Ch 22'-''), Joash (2 Ch 24), Ahuz (2 Ch 28), and Mana-sseli (2 Ch 33'-"") ; some of these will be noticed below under l>. C.

Tn those parts of Ch which have no parallel in S and K, as well as in Ch's expansions and modi- fications of narratives occurring in them, certain definite interests are prominent :— (1) Moral reflections and explanations of calamities as diN-ine judgments, e.g. 1 Ch 10"- ", 2 Ch 36"-" ; so Shishak's invasion is explained 2 Ch 1-2-, and Jehoram's misfortunes 2 Ch 21'"- """, cf. the ' letter of Elijah the prophet' vv.'

=-", and the wreck of ships at Ezion-geber 2 Ch 21", and Amaziah'a defeat 2 Ch 25'''"''', and Uzziah's leprosy 2 Ch 26"-", and Josiah's death 2 Ch 35='- ■■^; (2) divine interpositions in war, e.g. 2 Ch 13">- " 14'"- " 20^-^; (3) .speeches and prophetic addresses, hortatory, didactic, etc. ; also prayers : e.g.

I Ch 22'-" 28'-'" 29'-^, 2 Ch 13-" 14' 15'-' I6'-» 19»- »• »-" 20»-'^- "■" 2i'2-i» (^Tiling of Elijah) 25'- » 289"" 29»-" 30«-» (decree of Hezekiali) 32' ' 35-' ; (4) matters connected with worship, including Levitical, ritual, and especially musical ap|Joiiitmcnts, e.g. 1 Ch 15. 10. (including the Psaliii vv.»-»') 22-26. 28. 29, 2 Ch ^IJ. IS '^1.3.6 gl4. 16 IJIS. 14.16 i3-'-i^ 17- • 19-" oQ"- ^'- '^ 2.31:. 4. s. 7. 8. 18. 19 24- '■ " 26'"-'™ 29- *• '■ '^-^ 30. 31. 34». li IS.

80 351-19. 28 . a, peculiar case is 2 Ch 8" where Solomon's wife, the daughter of Pharaoh, is brought to the house built for her because the house of David has become too holy by reason of the coming of the ark ; contrast 1 K 3' "*' 9^. (On some additions of another kiml, see below.) D.

It remains for us to examine the parallel passages a little more closely, selecting some of those most important for purposes of comparison : — In some cases the agreement is close, almost exactly rerbal, as 1 Ch 10"2=i S 31, 2 Ch 9'-9=i K lo' 10, 2 Ch 18=1 K 22'-» (including the blunder of v.^b), etc In others there is im. portant divergence, e.^/. : — 1. 1 Ch (i^'o (Ileb. '>^'>-ii) gives the list of chief priests through Eleazar, son of Aaron ; most of the chief priests known to Sam.

and Kings do not appear in this list, inz. Eli 1 S 19 2^^, Ahitub, Eli's grandson (son of Phinelias) 1 S 143, AJiiJah 1 S 143, and Ahimelech 21^ 2'2.- "-'^i eU:. (Uith described as 'son of Ahitub,' and hence identified by IJertheau, Klost. lU. ; brothers,' accord- ing to Kittel, (jftich. ii. 173, etc.), Abialliar, son of Ahimelech 1 3 222'\ who was dei>osed b.v Solomon 1 K 2'^^- Zodok, whom Solomon substituted, appears as lUth in Ch's list, the son of an Ahitub, son of Aniariah.

Missing also are Jehoiada 2 K 11 etc., and Urijah 2 K Iti'i etc Azariah appears in Solomon's time, but 1 K 4'^ calls him son of Zadok, while in Ch he is son of Johanan ; Hilkiah 2 K 22 etc. appears in Ch, and so does Seraiah 2 K '25"*. These occasional agreements make the variations all the harder to explain. 1 Ch 24- 8 makes Ahimelech a descendant of Aaron through his son Ithamar, and these and the following vv.

make an attempt to satisfy their rival claims by recognismg both in the temple service. 2. 1 Ch 1310 explains the death of Uzznh as 2 S 67 does ; hut 1 Ch 15'^ gives a new reason, viz., because the Levit«e did not carry the ark. 3. 1 Cli 'ill ' Klhanan killed Lahmi, brother of Goliath ; but 2 S 2119 he killt'd tioliulh himself. 4. 1 Ch 21' it is Satan that moves Da\id to nunilwr Israel, in 2 S '24' it is J ". 5. 2 Ch 13ft.

explains Solomon's sacrifice at Oibeon by saying that the tent of meetitig and the brazen altar were there (cf. 1 Ch 2129) ; but 1 K 33f- says that Sol. worshipped at the high places, and sacriflce<l at Gibeoii t)ecause tliat was the great high place ; and v.'* speaks not only of his coming back to Jerus. (2 Ch 1'3), but also of his standing before the ark and sacriOcing there, which Ch omits. 6.

2 Ch 7'- 8 the sacrifices at the temple dedication ar< consumed by Uro from heaven ; there is notliing of this In 1 K 662".. 7. 2 Oh 712-22 and 1 K 01-9 both describe a second appearance of J" to Solomon ; but the language used by them diners, esp. in the condensation of 1 K 9' and the insertion of vv.'^li> in Ch. 8. 2 Ch 14» 17«(c(. 1»3) commend both Asa and Jehoshaphat for removing the high places ; but 1 K l.S' 223 tell us that these kings did not remove the high places (so also 2 Ch l.'

i" 2033). 0. 2 Ch 203'>. «" aays that Jehoshaphat allied himself with Ahaziah of Israel to make ships (for an expetlilion bv sea 1 K 229) ; but 1 K '229 says that Ahaziah proposed the Joint expe- dition, alid j4.-hoshapbat refused. 10. 2 Ch '^D says that they made ahips at Eziongcher to go to Tarshish (on the Mediterranean, not acx'essible from Kzion- geber) ; but 1 K 22s simply speaks of Tarshish.shi|>s (large sea-going vessels), and says they were destined for i-lpliir. 11.

2 Ch 21' says ' J " would not destroy the house of David, be*\a\ise of the covenant,' etc. ; hut 2 K 819 says 'J" would not destroy .ludah for llavid his servant's sjike.' 12. i Ch 2'29 de8<;rihes Jehu's mmihr i.f Ahaziah thus : ' And he sought Ahaziah ; and they caught liini (for he was hid in Samaria) and brought him to Jehu : and when they had slain him, tliev buried him,' etc.

; hut according to 2 K it'-ifr Ahaziah drove out from Jezreel with Joram to meet Jelm, tli-d on discovering the trcacheri', and was killed in his flight, lie died at Uegiudo, was brought by fus servants to Jenisalem, 394 CHRONICLES, 1. AND II. CHRONICLES, L AND IL >Dd buried there ' In hi» sepulchre with his fathers In the city of 13.

i Ch 28 repreeents the overthrow of queen Athalifth thus : Jehoiwla and the captains of hundreds, and all the Levitea in the cities of Judah, and the heads of families of the people, making 'all the congregation,' were gathered at Jerus., — Atlialiah being ignorant of it,— but while i.s says 'all the con- gregation made a covenant with the king in the house of God,' v.

« provides that only priests and ministering Levitea be allowed to enter the temple, and then the king is proclaimed, and Athaliah slain ; but 2 K 11, while agreeing as to the mam facts, represents a secret conspiracy between Jehoiada and the capuins of the foreign mercenaries who served as temple guard ; the meeting-place was the temple, into which the foreigners came and took their oath ; the Levites, trained singers, bumt- oflerings, law of Moses, etc, which appear in Oh, are all lacking 14.

2 Ch 241*, speaking of the collection for repairing the temple, under Jehoash of Judah, says, ' they brought the rest of the money before the king and Jehoiada, whereof were made vessels for J"'s house ' ; but 2 K 12i» says that no vessels were made for J"'b house out of the proceeds of the collection. „ »l j 16.

2 Oh 24»- l"f- makes Joash reign righteously ' all the days of Jehoiada the priest,' and after Jehoiada's death apostatise ; but 2 K 122 says, 'And Jehoash did that which was right in the eyes of J" all his days, (namely) wherein Jehoiada the priest instructed him,' and K tells us nothing of any apostasy or wickedness, only criticising (v.8), as in other cases, the non- removal of the high places. 16.

2 Oh 285-" describes slaughter and bondage inflicted on Judah by I'ekah of Israel in the reign of Ahaz, which is not only unknown to 2 K 16 and la 7, but is inconsistent with 2 K 16», Is 7'- *• '. 17. 2 Oh 28'8''- makes Ahaz send to the king(8) of Assyria for aid against the Edoniites and Philistines ; but 2 K 16' expressly says that it was against the kings of Aram and Israel. 18.

2 Oh 2820- aJ says that ' Tilgath-pilneser king of Assyria came unto him, and distressed him, but strengthened iiim not,' and again : ' be helped him not." With this 2 K 169 is in contra- diction. 19. 2 Oh 8SJ1-19 represents Manasseh as humbled and changed in heart by captivity, and as a reformer in the latter part of his reign. 2 K 21 knows nothing of this, paints him in colours wholly dark, and makes the fall of Jems, a punishment specifi- cally for Mana:seh's sins (ct. also Jer 15-). 20.

2 Oh 34 represents Josiah'a reforms as accomplished in his i2th year (v. 3), and the law-book as discovered in his 18th year. 2 K 22. 23 represent the reforms as suggested and occasioned by the discovery of the law-book, and as occurring, like that discovery, in the 18th year of his reign. E. One peculiarity of Ch, which involves some discrepancies with the earlier books, is a fondness for large numbers, e.g.

1 Ch 18 19> make David capture 7000 horsemen and slay 7000 chariotmen, over against 700 of each in 2 S 8 10" ; according to 1 Ch 21= David pays 600 shekels of gold for Oman's threshing-floor, according to 2 S 24, ' only 50 shekels of silver ; 24 tribes, according to 1 Ch 5-', capture from the Hagrites 100,000 prisoners, 50,000 camels, 250,000 sheep, and 2000 asses ; 1 Ch 12 represents that 339,000 men came to make David king ; 1 Ch 22" says that David provided for the temple building 100,000 talents of gold ( =4,911,000 kilograms), and 1,000,000 talents of silver (=at least 33,660,000 kgs.)

; Shishak (2 Ch 2') came with 1200 chariots, 60,000 horsemen, and people without number ; 2 Ch 13'- " makes Abijali, with 400,000 men, figlit against Jeroboam with 800,000, and kill 500,000 of them; Asa (2 Ch 14») had 300,000 men of Judah and 280,000 of Benjamin; Zerah the Ethiopian, his opponent, had 1,000,000 men and 300 cliariots (2 Ch 14") ; Amaziah (2 Ch 25»-«) had 300,000 soldiers of his o\\'n, and liired 100,000 more from Israel ; Azariah (2 Ch 26i') h.

ad an army of 307,500 men ; Pekah (2 Ch 28'- «) killed 120,000 Judoean warriors in one day, and carried oir 200,000 captives. F. The conibination of these various peculiarities of the author gives a very diilerent aspect to the history from that found in the earlier books. The pre-royal time has only a genealogical interest for him. The beginning of the kingdom, the first reign, the attempts of Saul's dynasty to maintain itself, are no concern of his. Practically, David is his first kins.

David and Solomon are kings of almost spotless excellence, and enjoy undi.sturbed prosiieiity. The ceremonial law of the Priests' Code is recognised and observed by David, even before there is a temple. The service i.s stately and rich. After the division of the kin;;ilom the ten tribes are not of importance enough to be mentioned, except incidentally. Interest is con- centrated on Judah and Jerusalem.

All good Juda^an kings, trained in the law of one exclusive sanctuary, of course forbade the high places. Sins, when they do occur, are sternly punished by God, and public calamities are due to sins. Huge numbers give majesty and importance to many scenes, and to the kingdom m its continuoua history, and central in that history is the hand of God, His temple, His solemn ordinances, His cere- monial and impressive worship. Sources.— I.

For 1 Ch 1-9 the sources are appar- ently genealogical lists in Gn, Ex, Nu, Jos, and (occasionally) S,— the relation between Ku 4""'- and 1 Ch 2*"- is doubtful,— also other lists not found in the earlier canonical books. The latter is the case particularly in the latter half of 1 Ch 2, and in chs. 4. 6 and the middle of 7 (see esp. Wellli. De gentibus, and Kittel).

Only twice in these chapters is there reference to an earlier writing ; the first is in 1 Ch 5", but whether tliis writing (or these writings, v. in/r. II. 13) really serv'ed the Clironicler as a source is extremely doubtful (Kuenen, Ond.* i. 483); the second is in 1 Ch 9' (see below). The Psalm 1 Ch 16'-'' is made np of parts of tliree Psalms found in our Psalter (see Parallels, above).

The question as to the origin of 2 Ch 36^- ^ (Restoration-decree of Cyrus) = Ezr l'"'*, belongs rather to a discussion of Lzra-Nehemiah. Ch's own references to earlier writings (with the exceptions noted above) are in the main part of the book, 1 Ch 10'-2 Ch 36='. II. Ch refers by name to the follo^^^ng works : — 1. (a) The Book of the Kings of Judah and Issrael, 2 Ch 16" 25-« 2H=« ; evidently = (6) The Book of the Kings of Israel and Judah, 27' 35-"' 36«. 2.

The Book of the Kings of Israel, I Ch 9' (so Bertheau, Keil, Oettii, Kautzsch, RV ; G, Kuenen doubtfully. AVadds 'and Judah,' which otherwise is subj. of following vb.) 3. The Doings of the Kings of Israel (2 Ch 33" (for Manasseh). 4. The Midrash of. the Book of Kings, 2 Ch 24" (for Joash). 5. Tlie Vision of Isaiah the Prophet, son of Amo?, in the Book of the Kings of Judah and Israel, 2 Ch 32»-. 6.

"The Words of Jehu, son of Hanani, which are taken up into tlie Book of the Kings of Israel, 1 Cli 20'(for Jehoshaphat). The following were probably of limited com- pa.ss : — 7. The Words of Samuel the Seer, and the Words of Nathan the Prophet, and the Words of Gad the Seer, 1 Ch 20'. 8. Tlie Words of Nathan the Prophet, and the Prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, and the Vision of Iddo the Seer regarding Jeroboam, son of Nebat, 2 Ch 9=». 9.

The Words of Shemaiah the Prophet and of Iddo the Seer for reckoning by Genealogies, 2 Ch 12". 10. Tlie Midrash of the Prophet Iddo, 2 Ch \S'>=>. 11. The rest of the Doings of Uzziah, first and last, did Isaiah the Prophet, son of Amo?, write, 2 Ch 26-2. 12. The Words of the Seers, 2 Ch 331" (cf. v."; so (E, Bertheau, Kautzsch ; of Hozai, TS, Oettii, RV). The author refers also to — 13. A genealogical enrolment in the days of Jotham and in the days of Jeroboam [II.]

, 1 Ch 5" (since tlicse kings were not contemporary, are two lists referred to ?) CHRONICLES, I. AND II. CHRONICLES, L AND IL 395 14. The Later Doiugs of David, 1 Ch 23-''. 15. The Chronicles (D-;,n -nj^) of king David, 1 Ch 27". 16. The Lamentations (a collection in which the lamentations over Josiab were included), 2 Ch 35'*. But these are not all separate works.

1 (a) and (6) and 5 refer obWously to the same ; so probably do 2, 3, and 6 ; for although ' Judah ' is not men- tioned in the title (except possibly in the case of 2), 3 and 6 relate to kings of Judah, and the title is therefore presumably abbreviated. It is highly likely that 4 is another designation of the same work. The prophetic writings 7, 8, 9, 10, 11 and 12 are possibly, though not demonstrably, sections of the same comprehensive book.

If not, they are in any case of subordinate consequence. As to 13-16 it is not clear that these have actually con- tributed anything to Ch ; 16 certainly has not. It is true that the Chronicler explicitly appeals to none of the documents named as authorities for what he states, but only as repositories of (further) information. Nevertheless, it is probable that the Book of the Kings of Judah and Israel, cited under different names, is the main source of Ch.

The many agreements with S and K prove that Ch osed either these books or some work based on these.

There is no evidence that it used the sources of S and K ; these books must themselves have been known to the author, for they had long been in existence in his time, and the order and choice of material follow theirs to a large extent j moreover, the mutter which is peculiar to Ch shows the marked characteristics of the author's style, in sharp contrast with those of the matter corresponding to that of Samuel and Kings ; in particular, the following additional proofs show that Ch does not go behind them for its materials : — 2 Ch 15" 20»» state that Asa and Jehoshaphat did not remove the high places.

This is in conflict with the author's own statements 14° 17' (cf. 19^), and is evidently due to unthinking imitation of his source. It appears 1 K 15''' 22", and the a^ee- ment is almost verbal. These statements, how- ever, certainly belong to the Deuteronomic redac- tion, and not to the sources of Kings.

Other passages common to Kings and Ch, which must be original with Kings (several of them Deuteronomic, and none from the sources) are 2 Ch 10'»=1 K 12'», 2 Ch 21'«->»''=2 K g'"', 2 Ch 25»-«=2 K 14» « (verbally), 2 Ch 28 = 2 K 16* (verbally), 2 Ch 31' bused on 2 K 18< ; cf. also 2 Ch 32"=2 K 18-"-' (substantially), 2 Ch 33^ = 2 K 21- (verballj'). A special class of pas-sages consists of those which are appropriate in Sam.

and Kings, but have become unntting or meaningless because of omissions by Ch : — 1 Ch U'-^begins, ' And David took yet more (I'ly) wives at Jeru8.' = 2 S 15"-", although 2 S 3"'' to which niy refers, is omitted in Ch. 1 Ch 20' ' But David tarried at Jerus.' = 2 S 11' ; it is in conflict with 1 Ch 2U^ ' ; this is due to the omission of the story of Uriah and liathslieba 2 S 11, 12^, and of 12«-» which tell of Joab's •ammoning David.

2 Ch 8" ( = 1 K 9" a;" in part) mentions the daughter of Pharaoh incidcntalljf (not indeed with great respect) as Solomon's wife, although 1 K 3'- 7' are omitted. 2 Ch 10^ speaks of .lerolxiara's return from Egypt, ' whither he had lied from the presence of Solomon the king'=I K 12^ although 1 K U-" are omitted. 2 Ch 10" refers specifically to Ahijah's prophecy •bout Jeroboam = 1 K 12", although the prophecy Itself, 1 K U^-^", is omitted.

2 Ch 32" specifies 'the Jews' speech ' = 2 K 18» although 2 K IS-", which gives point to this detail, is omiHed. Some of these passages are more cogent than others, but aJl are confirmatory of the position that our S ana K and nothing earlier (with possible exceptions noted below) underlie Ch in its narrative portions. It is, however, improb. that the Chronicler used these canonical books directlv, as the chief source of his historical material.

\Ve have seen that his main interests are not political, and that he omits or greatly condenses many matters which do not contribute much to his purposes. At the same time some of his material not tound in S and K is of a political and personal nature, e.g. the fortifications of Kehoboara, and his might and wisdom 2 Ch 115-12. n.

a^ Asa's war with the Ethiopians 2 Ch H"", Jehoshaphat's war with Moab, Ammon, and Edoiii 2 Cli 20, Amaziah's relations with his Israelitish mercenaries 2 Ch 25""'- '^, Uzziah's wars and buildings 2 Ch 26''", the successful invasion of Pekah 2 Ch 28''-'», and of the Edomites and Philistines w."- '*.

Some of these narratives the Chronicler uses to point his own moral teachings, but it is most unlikely that he either invented them, or resorted to some special source for them ; they are not such as particularly appeal to him. Most likely, therefore, he found tliem in the document which was his main source for other matter, and, finding them, used them to enforce his religious views.

This source was probably the Book of the Kings of Judah and Israel (see above), which was, in that case, based on our S and K, with add itional mat ter of uncertain and probably varj'ing value. Since the style of these additions (with a few minor exceptions) resembles that of the Chronicler, it may be that this Book of the Kings was produced in the school to which he belonged. The alternative is to suppose that he rewrote them. That he at least retouched them is probable.

How far the peculiar religious and ecclesiastical tone of Ch is due to this source we cannot tell, but the presence of the same in Ejr-Neh, which do not depend on this Book of the Kings, makes it clear that this tone was such as the Chronicler himself would produce, and probably it is, throughout, mainly due to him. HiSTORic.VL TRUSTWORTHINE.SS.— The late date of Cli presyiuably hinders it from being a historical witness of the first order.

It could be so only if its sources were demonstrably such. But it has no sources certainly older than the canonical S and K ; its chief source is probably much later. An interval of 250 or 300 years separates it from the Last events recorded in K. In all cases of conflict, then (see the examples above), preference must be given to S and K. The obvious special interests of Ch also (see above) are not to its advantage as a simple witness to facts.

Intrinsic probability points the same way in many instances (see especi- ally Comparimn D, Nos. 2, 3, 5, 6, 8, 10, 12, 13, 10, 20, and Driver, Bertheau, Oettli, etc., on the passages) ; this holds true of the huge numbers of Ch as well. If this is so in the parallel narratives, it must be so likewise in those matters which we owe entirely to Ch. Some of these conflict with the known course of the history, e.g.

the complete Levitical arrangements of David and his successors ; others are in themselves most unlikely, e.g. Amaziah's dealings with Israelitish mercenaries. It is plain that the character of Ch's testimony, when we can control it by parallel accounts, is not sucli as to give us reason to depend on it with security when it stamls alone. Perliaiis it does not enlarge our stock of historical matter bejond that given in S and K. Wo cannot say absulutcly that it does not; e.g.

Koboboam's buildings. 396 CHROyiCLES, I. AND II. U^xhs buUdings and wara, Hezekiah's water- works Manassel"s captivity, et^., may be in part or alto.'et!"er, stated accurately, and to some of them afertain degree of P™^-WUty attaches (cf^ Kitten, but on the unsupported evidence of Ch we Cannot be sure af them. It is not cer am wliether h^°"ource derived them from other documents or rom tri^ition and we cannot tell with positive- nesTho'Xr thiy are trustworthy. This un.

ertam y nasses over into Ch itself. Its mam value lies m Another direction. (On the Restoration-edict of Cvrul! see Kosters, Het Herstel van Israel, 1894, onri «rt Ezra asd Nehemiah.) PhIrACTEK of the CHRONICLER.-It would be most tnScIll the Chronicler a falsifier. He Tows lumseU, on the contrary, as a man o^ |reat ainceritv and moral earnestness. Even it la-'s'iKa ?ion had in his time, when his conception of the Ho.^ was .

-idely accepted, had any sufficient motive he would have been mcapable of it. His "^w of the pst is that of a son of t« own age ,^ whom the bistorical imagination had not been Tarsey developed. The Pent, had long been com- plet« and its atest code had a firm grasp on the Kvea'and the minds of the people, anS on li^ o«^ He did not conceive of a time, since the kmgdom be"an when it was otherwise. He >yas almost nnwpr God was near His people m it.

t,oa mm LT enforced it Membership in God's people was to h^ a great nrivUege. and genealogies that ^sWit &at importance. *hese habits and convections tS result of inheritance and of train- wTetermined his mode of writing history. David Sid lo omon he idealised., presenting .

Btro^fy ^^f^ without much qualification those sides of their Thtacter which\ppealed to him, and depic^^^^^ the religion of their time accordmg to what seemea to hm the necessary conditions of Jig^iteousne s^ The Northern Kingdom, as apostate, was ot little interest for him. The history of the Southern K^om was his concern mafnly because it was 3Erv^i?

^i^-Vt^e^:|;2 ^e heathen • and polluted the house of J , and when ttey were refiuked 'mocked the messengers If God and despised his words and misused his 1 ;= • (9 Ph ^R»-'»l The whole conception of ?reSrj w a^ not that of a mere individual, but that of a^Igt from which the individual could nrL'uToF'Sk.C.ES.-It foUowB from the forecoS" paragraphs that the value of Chronicles Unot mliinly that of an accurate record of past Lvent^.

Nevertheless, ite value is real and ^eat U is, however, the value more of a sermon than of ''V.'wTmust, indeed, remember that there is a certain negative historical value m the fact hat Ch aerees with S and K to so large an extent. It is not S independent witness, but at 'ea^t it appears hat as to the main course of the pre-exil.c h'^lory there was, when Ch was written, no variant tradition which the author thought worth noticing.

2 We must remember, further, that there may be good historical material in matter I-ecul ar to Ch ^a in the genealogical lists and soii.e scattered m.idents?s;eKuenen,^Kittel, Gray),, a though he determination of its limits and the mterpretation of it will reiiuire critical acumen. "3 VU knowledge the author f^ves ns of h s 0^ time also is historically important. The fatt that he clothes' old history ^^^th \iis own contemporary CHRONICLES, I. AND II.

habits makes his o«-n time more intelligible to us We understand better how religious .Jews thought J f^ll in the -ird cent B.C. This enlivens and ^°tal Les l"e J^riod for us. and prepares us bette, to apprecVaL'the conditions of t^le work of Jesu. ■^1 fee'Sors selection of matter emphasizes the fundamental and permanent elements m the history He gives only a one-sided view of David, and yTt he thereby throws stress on.

David s real thoJ'h as we know, not unwavering desire for rthtiiousness He thinks chiefly of the Southern Kl^'dom but that kingdom is the one of. historical imoSrtance in the development of religion. And '^^^:ilLr details.

In Lis, as in the particula^rs following, he served his own age, and the service "°f 'HifbeUerS God was intense, as one actively governing the world, punishing the evd and fewaX^ the good, demanding obedience and w^r^hi'-but lonVsuirering and gracious to H people in spite of their sin. There is at times something mechanical m his conception, but it is ^^T"&: muluSor us the value and the limita^ tions of the law in spiritual education.

Obedience toTs smallest requirements -as an avenue to Ood^ Formalism, the subordmation of the moral to t e ceremonial, is the accompanying ganger and the Chronicler did not wholly escape it. But the law reaUy wis a means of spiritual growth, and this the Chronicler exemplifies. Devotion to it did not exclude some breadth of spiritual sympathy, as ?he beauUful passage 2 Ch 30>- distincUy shows 7. He bears witness, also, to the value ot t e lit ir^rical element in religion.

^\ orehip s to him thought, too, has its dangers. Ihe essence 01 worship is always in the soul of the worshipper. Sut th^ ideal of Worship includes both the genuine spirit and the fitting expression of it, and the dhronicler teaches here a permanent lesson. Thus Ch illustrates for us God's use of a pro- fessedly historical ^mting to enforce His truth l^th in^spite of, and bv means of, the very qualities which impair its excellence as pure histoiy.

TEXT -^Ch appears to have been less read^and henS^less often copied, than many other books. One source of textual error is therefore mmimised The h^tory of its transmission is, however, long JnouKh U-T-ive much room to textual criticism The text of Ch can often be corrected, m para el nassa^es, by that of S and K. but more often the Kofishfmself responsible for variations The pecuUar characteristics of Ch are certainly not textual. Sometimes Ch has preserved the better reS.

The greatest number of textmil qnes on« is connected with proper names. The fo o«in taken from paraUel texts, may serve as lUustra- tions: — ,. Ch has the worse reading :— . p.^afl- ns-^ Gn IC. so ©. „ .^^ 1" ,^p, (SB om., A(5L Mo<rox; = ='? Gn 10= (where (5 also Mo<rox, but erroneously; ^,.- hae already occurred, v.»). d&'M^y (interchange of 1 and • especiallj 1«',T''gB 2<uXaM. A Ia,XaM. ©L AXoua. = r.^S AXoua=.-n^aGn36". (S^<-^'>- CHROXICLES, I. AND IL CHRONOLOGY OF OLD TEST.

397 1 Ch 3« V^v-'-x, CB EXtiffo, A GL EXi<ra/«i = vi=-> 2 S 5", G E\«i(roi/j, etc. 4" 3-v, CIJ lap«y, A lapfi;3=i'3; Gn 46'<' = Ex6" = Nu 'Jti'-, so G in all. 18'-»- ' ni;r;iq, G ASpa(a)i-op = nii;-):q 2 S 8«- •■ • (C here also, eiron., ASpoafop), etc. etc. The reading i8 doubtful : — 1 Ch 1> -ss, GB Zwipap, GLZeT^in,=\Df Gn 36", G Za(pap. 1 •??. tSB Su;3, A 2u0ap, GL 2aT0«i=\BY' Gn 36^, GB Za<p, GL Su^j-. 1" I'?, G 07wp, GL 4>oowi=is9 Gn 36", G 4>a>wp.

V Wi-;, GB Ao^u/iijX, A GL AoXou»a= 3(<5'? 2 S 3', G AaXoKia ( !) 4'« Sk5D^ = Nu 26", G (in both) Na/iowjX = Skid- Gn 46'"= Ex 6'», so G (in both). mj = Nu 26", GB (in Ch) Zapcs, A GL Zopa(f), G (in Nu) Zapo = -uji Gn 46"'=Ex 6", G (in both) 2)cuip, etc. etc. Ch has the better reading : — 1 Ch 1' D-ji'n, G 'PoSiot (GL Au8a>'«/) = 0Ti'l Gn 10, G 'PoSiot. 1" IJi,:, GB (itai) nva;-, A (rai) Ouica/i, GL (/cai) Ioa«oi' = |iJi^lGn 36^, G (koJ) Oi//co^ GL (/cai) louxa/i.

8^'VWrD GB 4 'I(7^7,X(f )(t7)S (GL 'IffpOJjXiTTJt) = '^>r!i?:Ci 2 S 17", so GB GL, A 'laiuL-qXelrni. gB.n_93».i« "jyj-ix, GAtrajSoaX, If^oaX, IiTjSaaX BcuiX = ns^rr-i< 2 S 2«+10 t. Sam, G leySoffJe, cmd (most often, strangely) TiU/jupi^ojBe. 8^ " Svj 3-19 = 9" and (better, see Kittel) '^Win T., iTi MtpiiSaoX, Mfxpi/SaoX, Me^ipi/SaoX, GL MfM0'^aoX = n:y3-5n 2 S 4 + 14 t. Sam, G Me/»- ipi^oaee, GL Mt/i0i/3oaX, eic. 2 S 21' MefKpi- pf~r9e (for distinction).

11» ■3>p = 2 S 21'», G (in Ch) Zo^oxai, etc., &LZo^oKxa, GB (in Sam) Oe^oxa, A 2e^oxa«, GL Zo^eKXi = 'P:^ 2 S 23", GB <« rQy vlCiy, 2.j/3««, etc. etc. For further details see in Wellh. De gentihus, etc.; Kittel, Books of Ch. in Hebrew; Driver, Hebrew Text of Samuel. LlTlH<TtiRa (selected).— Tizr.— 8. Baer and F. Delitzscb, Liber Chnjnicorum (1S8-S) ; R. Kitt«l, The Books of Chroniclcn in Hebrew, Critical ed. of the Heb. Text. (ed. Paul Ilaupt), 1895. TRASSL.\T10.fS.—T^.

KeUBS, Ckroninue eceb'giaftiqne de Jiru- »al^, 1878 (La Bible, iv. part.) ; K. KaulzHch, Bticher der Chronik, 18»3, 18M (in Die Ueiiiijt Schr\ft d. A.T., ed. Kautzjicb). C'iiiMKXTARIK3.—E. Bertheau, Bucher der Chronik. Jte And. 1873 (in Kurigef. Hxeget. Ilandbuch z. A.T.); 8. Octtli, Biicher der Chronik, lB8fl (in Kurzqe/. Bxeget. Eommentar z. A.T.); O. F. Kcil, Bucher der C^lu-onik, lb70 (in Bibligcfter Eojn- mtntar ilbrr d. A.T.), r,n(f. tr. 1872: \V. II.

nennett, Tht Bookt of Chrmielrt, 1801 (in The Kzpiinlor'M Bible); J. Rohcrt- >on In Book by Bouk (18!iJ), pp. lll-llU; C. J. tall in Uiihitp Kllicnlti CommriUaru ; /Cockier Id lunge's Bihelvoerk, 18V* (Enif. tr. by J. O. Murjihy). Critical Discpssioxs.—M. L. de Wette. BeiiTAge zur Kinlntung in d. AT. 1. 1806; K. H. Oral, />i> OeKhichllichen Biicher d. A.T. 1880, 114-247; W. It. Smith, Kitci/cl. Brilaii. t.v. 1878, OTJCi (18«2> Hon., 18211. ; J. Wellhauatn, Ueich. 178-2.17, Enif. tr.

171-227 ; A. Kuenen, Onderznrk, 2nd ed. vol. I. 1887. m-b-lO ; S. R. Kriver, LOT. 1891, «34-6ll7 ; O. H. CorniU, BirUfitum. 1891, 2118-278; O. Wildetwer, Origin of Iht Canon •/ tht Old TetlaineiU |1S91) 1596, 61, U2 f., 162, 162, LU. d. A.T. 189.S, 404-120; \V. F^. BarneH, ' Ki.-lii,'inus Standpoint of the Chronicler '(in Am. Jimm. Sem. Law), and Literature, Ortober 1898), •Chronick-n a Tartrum'(in Ez]M«Hory Timet, viii. (1897), p. 8iei.); Schurer, IIJP ll. i. 8(J9, 340, iii.

102; Oirtllestono, DeuUrograplm, 1M94 (pauim); Sanda)-, Bumpton Lecture* on Inspiration (1893), 1(12. 163, 244, 2.'3 IT., 3J8, HA, 467 ; Kwald, Uittorn of lernel, I. lf,9ff. ; JenninRS, '(Chronicles' (in Thinker, July, Scpternhpr, November, 1S92); Kyle, Canon of the Old Teilammt (18112), 138 1., 146, 161, 162; Ladd, Tin Doctrine of .Sacred .5cripIurf(l&H;i), I. 1031., 373(1., 6460., 689 f. ; MonUtllore, HMtert Leclurn (18;i2), pp. 447 ff.

, 4,14, 4S3 ; Driver, 'The 8p<i<-hc« in Chroniihs' in Brpotilor, Apr. and Oct. 1896; H'hrirtir. *r/4 7^(18<i). 366 ff. ; on Ihi: rienfalayitt in particular, J. Wellhauncn, De gentilAU et familits .luda-it qua 1 Ch. '2-4 mymtrantur, 1870; Q. B. Gray, Studiti in Uebrew Proper /fames. 1896, ch. lU. FRANCIS BroWN.